Global Mercury Project
Project EG/GLO/01/G34:
Removal of Barriers to Introduction of Cleaner Artisanal Gold Mining and Extraction Technologies
SUMMARY REPORT:
TECHNICAL AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILES OF
GLOBAL MERCURY PROJECT SITES
By:
Jennifer Hinton
Consultant to UNIDO
Sustainability Working Group (SWG)
University of British Columbia
Vancouver, Canada
Marcello Veiga
Consultant to UNIDO
United Nations Industrial Development Organization
Vienna, Austria
May 2004
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 2
Project Site Descriptions ........................................................................................... 2
Kadoma-Chakari Region Zimbabwe ........................................................................ 2
Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania................................................................................. 3
Ingessana District, Sudan........................................................................................ 3
São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil ........................................................................ 4
Talawaan and Galangan, Indonesia ........................................................................ 4
Lao PDR Villages.................................................................................................... 4
SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILES................................................................................ 5
Project Site Demographics........................................................................................ 5
Population Size and Age Distribution ...................................................................... 5
Ethnicity and Origin................................................................................................ 5
Education Levels ..................................................................................................... 6
Sources of Income and Primary Expenditures.......................................................... 7
Social Infrastructure and Amenities....................................................................... 10
Housing................................................................................................................. 10
Basic Sanitation .................................................................................................... 11
Water Resources.................................................................................................... 11
Access to Health Services ...................................................................................... 12
Access to Education............................................................................................... 14
Diet ....................................................................................................................... 15
Sources of Energy.................................................................................................. 16
Information and Communication ........................................................................... 16
MINING ACTIVITIES............................................................................................... 17
History of Participation in Mining ......................................................................... 18
Mining Practices...................................................................................................... 20
Kadoma-Chakari District ...................................................................................... 20
Rwamagasa, Tanzania........................................................................................... 24
Ingessana Hills, Sudan .......................................................................................... 25
São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil ...................................................................... 27
Talawaan and Galangan, Indonesia ...................................................................... 29
Lao PDR ............................................................................................................... 30
Gold Production ...................................................................................................... 32
Proximity of Residences to Mining Areas .............................................................. 33
Property Ownership................................................................................................ 34
Mining Related Concerns and Issues voiced by Miners ........................................ 34
ENVIRONMENTAL AND HUMAN HEALTH RISKS ........................................... 35
Mercury ................................................................................................................... 36
Mercury and Human Health .................................................................................. 37
Awareness of Mercury Risks.................................................................................. 38
Other Environmental and Health Issues ................................................................ 40
Forest Clearing ..................................................................................................... 40
Mining Pits............................................................................................................ 41
Water Quality and Quantity................................................................................... 41
Dust and Noise ...................................................................................................... 42
Other Health Issues ............................................................................................... 42
GENDER ISSUES....................................................................................................... 43
Roles of Women in Mining...................................................................................... 43
Other Roles of Women ............................................................................................ 44
Access to Education and Information..................................................................... 45
Women and Decision Making ................................................................................. 46
Recommendations: Addressing Gender Issues ...................................................... 46
CONCLUSIONS ......................................................................................................... 47
REFERENCES............................................................................................................ 52
Summary Report
Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The information presented herein has been taken from commissioned socio-economic
assessments and reports by the Assistants to the Country Focal Points (ACFPs) conducted
in each of the Global Mercury Project target regions. Additional input was received from
project consultants and ACFPs throughout the preparation of this summary report. The
authors would therefore like to recognize the contributions of the following individuals
and their project teams: Saulo Rodriguez (Brazil, Indonesia), Roberto Villas-Bôas (Brazil
Indonesia), Armin Mathis (Brazil), Rachmadhi Purwana (Indonesia), Selinawati T.
Darmutji (Indonesia), Marcello Veiga, Eravanh Boungnaphalom (Lao PDR), Earth
Systems Lao (Lao PDR), Mohamed S. Ibrahim (Sudan), Khalil A. Al Medani (Sudan),
Susan Wagner (Tanzania), Aloyce L. Tesha (Tanzania), Dennis Shoko (Zimbabwe),
Celani Mtetwa (Zimbabwe) and Soul Shava (Zimbabwe).
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Summary Report
Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
INTRODUCTION
The Global Mercury Project (GMP) is located in communities and mining areas within
six participating countries Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Sudan, Brazil, Indonesia and Lao
PDR. Project sites were selected based on the importance of artisanal and small scale
mining (ASM) in these regions and the proximity of communities1 to international waters
that may be impacted by ASM, particularly with respect to pollution generated from the
misuse of mercury. Although the project sites differ somewhat in terms of population,
geography, cultural context, mining practices and mining history, they share a critical
similarity ASM represents an essential source of livelihood.
This chapter summarizes the results of commissioned socio-economic assessments and
reports by the Assistants to the Country Focal Points conducted in each of the mining
communities which will directly benefit from Global Mercury Project (GMP) activities.
In addition to collecting baseline information on community demographics, ethnicity,
economic activities, and quality of social services and infrastructure, among other socio-
economic data, the socio-economic profiles sought to characterize the significance of
ASM in these regions, with special emphasis on perceptions concerning mining practices,
particularly in relation to mercury use. These evaluations further attempted to capture the
gender dimension of ASM in these regions, thereby providing a basis to effectively
address gender barriers through the GMP. Reports by the Assistants to the Country Focal
Points compiled detailed information on mining practices and gold production in these
communities and provided a basis for a preliminary assessment of anticipated
environmental and human health impacts, as summarized herein.
Project Site Descriptions
Kadoma-Chakari Region Zimbabwe
Located within one of the largest gold belts of Zimbabwe, the Kadoma-Chakari region
has the highest density of small scale gold miners, millers and panners of all of the
country's gold belts. Geographically, the area is located about 150 km south-west of
Harare along the main Harare-Bulawayo highway in the Zambezi Basin. Access into the
mining areas from Kadoma City is very good along paved all-weather roads and good dry
season roads. The Zambezi Basin and its water resources are shared by eight of the
fourteen Southern African Development Community (SADC) states. The long-term
environmental well-being of the Zambezi River, its tributaries, and associated dams and
lakes depend on the type and scale of economic activities that take place within the basin.
In addition to mining, important activities include urbanisation, logging, agriculture,
manufacturing, and tourism. Agriculture is the primary economic activity for the 6354
people living in the project site region. However, ASM represents an increasingly
important source of income with 23% of survey respondents alternating mining with
farming activities. Participation in ASM has increased markedly since the 1990's when
downscaling of the nearby Dalny Mine led to a significant rise in unemployment. It is
1 The term community is used loosely to refer to the village, area or region where ASM represents an
important component of the local economy.
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Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
estimated that 300,000-400,000 artisanal gold miners are active and directly and
indirectly benefiting at least two million people (Shoko, 2002, Maponga and Ngorima,
2003).
Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania
In Tanzania, ASM is most significant in the Lake Victoria Goldfields specifically the
Geita, Rwamagasa, Kahama, Musoma-Mara, Nzega and Kilimafedha belts - which
produce more than 95% of the country's gold. Given the intensity of ASM,
environmental and human health impacts from these activities are also most pronounced
in this region. Geita, which is one of the seven districts of Mwanza Region lying
Southwest of Lake Victoria, has the largest numbers of miners than any other district and
is comprised of four major ASM centres, namely Nyarugusu, Nyakagwe, Mgusu and
Rwamagasa.
In the Rwamagasa belt, gold mineralisation occurs in quartz veins as well as secondary
enrichment in rubble at the base of laterites overlying subsurface greenstone rocks.
Rwamagasa village, located in the heart of the Rwamagasa belt, is the target of the GMP.
Rwamagasa Village is divided into 5 vitongoji (sub-villages): Elimu, Isenyi, CCM,
Lubinga and Imalanguzo, all of which strongly depend on the services available in nearby
Geita town.
In Rwamagasa Village, the local population (26,990 people) relies on ASM in
conjunction with livestock, farming and fishing. The majority of residents rely solely on
ASM (54%), while 14% conduct mining in conjunction with farming and small business
enterprises. Although many residents are driven to ASM by economic hardship (21%),
particularly since the late 1990's, a great number do so out of family tradition (78%).
Subdivided into five subvillages, Rwamagasa village is comprised of 5,017 households
having an average size of 5.4 people.
Ingessana District, Sudan
The GMP-target region in the Sudan consist of mine sites adjacent to Gugub village,
which is located approximately 80 km southwest of El Damazin in the Ingessana Hills
District of the southern Blue Nile region. The southern Blue Nile region has been known
for gold mining since the 19th century although mining did not commence in the
Ingessana Hills until the mid-1990s. At that time, civil war along the Sudan-Ethiopia
border displaced thousands into the Ingessana Hills and elsewhere. Among these, the
Dawalla ethnic group of the Kurmuk district were the first to commence prospecting and
are now considered to be the most skilled artisanal gold miners in the region. Eventually,
the indigenous Ingessana picked up the skills of artisanal gold mining from the Dawalla,
allowing both groups to earn substantial incomes in comparison to other livelihoods. The
nomadic Ingessana people traditionally followed the rains from northern to southern
regions of Sudan with their cattle herds, a practice which ceased once the southern part of
the country was classified as war zone in 1996. The Ingessana were eventually forced to
forego their livelihoods, selling most of their herds due to lack of access to water. The
population of the GMP-target community, Gugub, is ~800 miners with an additional 300
artisanal miners residing in adjacent villages, Taga and Khor Gam.
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Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil
With mining activities spanning across 100,000 km2, the Rio Tapajós Basin area, a major
tributary of the Amazon River, is the main gold garimpo (artisanal mining site) in Brazil
(Silva, 2001). Currently, approximately 50% of the municipality's population is believed
to rely on mining, although forestry, fisheries, and agriculture continue to be major
sources of livelihood. In the Brazilian GMP-target communities, São Chico and
Crepurizinho, ASM has been practiced since 1963 and 1962, respectively. Located in the
southwest corner of the State of Pará, Brazil, the communities are approximately 1300
km from the state capital, Belém.
As observed in many of other Brazilian mining operations, or garimpos, the population of
both communities have experienced wide fluctuations depending on the price of gold and
reports of new strikes, which drew several thousand gold-seekers, mainly from
throughout the States of Pará and nearby Maranhão. Crepurizinho, which has some
semblance of infrastructure (churches, a police station, pharmacy, etc), currently has a
population of ~600, while São Chico has limited facilities (a health post) and is inhabited
by only 134 residents.
Talawaan and Galangan, Indonesia
Agricultural activities dominate both areas targeted for ASM assistance in Indonesia,
Talawaan in the subdistrict Dimembe, North Sulawesi, and Galangan, also known as
Hampalit Village, in the District of Katingan, Central Kalimantan. Talawaan, which is
adjacent to Manado, the capital city of North Sulawesi Province, covers an area of 14,000
hectares. With a population of 3817 inhabitants, Talawaan is characterized by intense
mining activity, which started in 1998. Two rivers, Talawaan and Bailing River, run
directly through the mining area. Galangan is comprised of 17,500 square kilometers,
with a population of 8056 people or 2172 households. In Galangan, the mining history
dates back to 1980 and has impacted more than 200 km2. Galangan is adjacent to the
Katingan River which flows into the Java Sea 200 km to the south. Agriculture,
specifically rice, coconut, coffee and other crops, are important to both Talawaan and
Galangan, although these areas are distinctly different in many respects, not only in terms
of composition, but with respect to the nature of mining activities.
Lao PDR Villages
The target area in Lao PDR is comprised of eight villages situated along the Mekong
River and Nam Ou River in the Province of Luang Prabang, approximately 300 km north
of Vientiane. These villages are Ban Thinhông, Ban Houay Koh and Ban Houay Gno on
the Mekong River (within the district of Chomphet), and Ban Pak-Ou, Ban Houay Lo,
Ban Latthahai, Ban Pakchek and Ban Kiad on the Nam Ou River (within the district of
Pak Ou). With 92-98% of the economically active population employed in agriculture,
mainly rice production, ASM represents a secondary but much needed source of income.
This region consists predominantly of lowland flood plains, with altitudes ranging from
200 m to 500 m above sea level. The access to the area is either by gravel road of by boat.
The latter makes the area more accessible during the rainy season between June and
September
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Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILES
The socio-economic assessments of GMP-target sites are comprised of demographic
information on population, ethnicity and origin, education levels, sources and
applications of income. These profiles also characterized social infrastructure and
amenities, such as the quality of housing, sanitation and water resources, and access to
services, as summarized below.
Project Site Demographics
Population Size and Age Distribution
As shown in Table One, there is considerable variability in the population of the
participating GMP communities. Of the populations present, in all communities where
age data was collected, the majority of mining community inhabitants are in the
economically active age range (21-40 years). The older population (above 60 years of
age) in all mining communities (where data recorded) is sparse, reflecting low life
expectancies. For instance, in the Brazilian target communities only 2.1% of the
population is older than 61 years. In both Indonesian communities, 0% of miners were
over 60. In the Lao PDR villages, only 6% of the population is above 60 years of age.
Table One: Population and Age Distribution
Region or community
Population
Age Distribution
Sao Chico and Crepurizinho
134 (Sao Chico)
- average age 25.5 - 28 years old (overall)
Brazil
600 (Crepurizinho)
- 40 years old (mine workers)
Talawaan and Galangan
3817 (Talawaan)
- average age 27 years, range 17 to 56 (Talawaan)
Indonesia
8056 (Galangan)
- average 35 years old, range 20 to 60 (Galangan)
Lao PDR Villages (8)
3219 (8 villages)
- 51% between 10 and 19 years
- 24% between 20-29
- 18% between 30-39
Ingessana District
5120 (region)*
- 29% between 10-19 years
Sudan
- 22% between 20-39
- 29% between 40-45
Rwamagasa village
26,990 ( region)
- 37% 30-39 years old
Tanzania
Kadoma-Chakari Region
6354 (region)
- Miners: 36% 21-30 yrs old; 37% 31-40; 10% 18-
Zimbabwe
20 yrs old
- Non-Miners: 40% 21-20 yrs old; 16% 31-40;
20% 18-20 yrs old (non-miners)
* Based on 800 families with national average of 6.4 members per family (UNDP, 2003)
Ethnicity and Origin
Given the migratory nature of ASM and its tendency to attract individuals displaced by
extreme poverty and economic hardship, the ethnic diversity of ASM communities is not
surprising. All GMP-target communities are of mixed ethnicity, often with multiple
languages, as summarized in Table Two. In total, representatives from more than twenty
ethnic groups reside in these communities.
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Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
Table Two: Ethnicity and Origin
Region or community
Ethnicity and/or Origin
Sao Chico and Crepurizinho
- Mixed ethnicity, indigenous.
Brazil
- Adults: Maranhão State (51.9%), Pará State (22.2%)
Talawaan and Galangan
- Talawaan region and Sulawesi Island
Indonesia
- Galangan Kalimantan Island (51.4%); Java and Sulawesi (48.6%)
Lao PDR Villages (8)
- Ban Pak-Ou and Ban Thingông composed of Lao Loum ethnic group
- Ban Kiad composed of Lao Loum, Lue, Phutai, Nhuane and Khmu
ethnic groups
- In all villages: Lao (45%); Leu (33%); Khmu (19%); Hmong, Nhuane
and Phutai (1% each).
Ingessana District
- Ingessana (indigenous group) and Dawalla (war displaced from Kurmuk
Sudan
district) predominate
- Blue Nile Region: the Fung, the Hamag, the Ingessana, the Berta,
Falata, Husa, Dawalla, Besie
Rwamagasa village
- Walongo, Wasubi, Wasukuma and Wazinza ethnic groups identified
Tanzania
- Sukuma tribe from Mwanza region (39%); Muha from Kigoma Region
(11%); Kurya from Mara Region (10%); Sumbwa from within the
village (6%). Other small tribes (34 %)
Kadoma-Chakari Region
- Mixed ethnicity. Languages: Shona (mother language of 53% of
Zimbabwe
respondents), Chewa (37%) and Ndebele (9%).
Education Levels
Understanding the educational levels of participating target communities is critical to
effectively designing and implementing an intervention, such as the GMP. As shown in
Table Three, the assessment of education levels and literacy rates in the GMP-target
communities indicate that levels are typically considerably lower than national levels. It
is important to note, however, that such a comparison does not provide an indication of
relative quality of life in mining versus non-mining communities, as regional data or rural
urban differences are not reflected in national statistics. The importance of regional
differences is evident in comparing education levels in the two Indonesian communities.
In Talawaan in Sulawesi, education levels are relatively good in comparison to Galangan
in Kalimantan, where the rate of secondary school attendance was less than half that of
Talawaan. This variability is also observed in Lao PDR, where illiteracy rates range from
7% to 32% in the eight villages surveyed.
The significance of ethnicity in terms of educational levels is most evident in Sudan. The
differences are astounding in the Ingessana district, which is predominantly inhabited by
the war displaced Dawalla people and the once nomadic Ingessana people. Illiteracy rates
reach 90% for the Ingessana and only 2% have attended primary school. It is reported
that formal education was previously not viewed as a priority for the Ingessana and was
nevertheless inaccessible. Conversely, 95% of the Dawalla have attended primary school
and 25% have continued on to secondary school. Since construction of a school by the
Dawalla in the mining region in 1998, the majority of the Ingessana now enrol their
children in school.
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Summary Report
Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
Excluding the Ingessana people, approximately 70% of GMP-community residents have
at least some primary education and low levels of illiteracy (averaging 12%). Based on
attendance in secondary school, on average, 23% of respondents completed primary
school and continued on to secondary school. Low participation rates, particularly in
secondary schools, were attributed to the lack of schools and costs associated with
attendance (transport costs, accommodation and schooling fees).
Table Three: Education Levels
Community Data
National Data1
Region or community
Illiteracy
Primary2,3
Secondary3
Illiteracy
Primary
Secondary
(%)
(%)
(%)
(%)
(%)
(%)
Brazil
Sao Chico
11
35
36
4.5
97
71
Crepurizinh
20
33
27
Indonesia4
Talawaan
na
28.6
20.3
12.7
92
48
Galangan
na
53.5
21
Lao PDR Villages
(8)
7 - 32
44
5
34.4
81
30
Ingessana District Ingessana
90
2
0
41.2
46
na
Sudan
Dawalla
na
95
25
Rwamagasa
10
72
11
24
47
5
Tanzania
Kadoma-Chakari
17
81
50
10.7
80
40
Region Zimbabwe
1. Based on national averages compiled in the Human Development Report (UNDP, 2003)
2. Primary school numbers include those respondents who have continued on to secondary school.
3. Due to inconsistency in reporting, it is unclear whether numbers indicate "some" attendance or
completion of primary or secondary school.
4. Rates presented are averages of miners and collectors (Purwana, 2003)
Sources of Income and Primary Expenditures
In most GMP-target communities, agriculture is the predominant livelihood activity,
although mining can provide the most significant source of economic wealth. As shown
in Table Four, the mining communities surveyed generally experienced incomes above
national levels. Highest revenues are obtained in Brazil, where mining is the predominant
activity in GMP-target communities, although incomes are still considerably lower than
national levels, likely due to severe regional disparities. It should be noted that, in
general, national data may not reflect regional differences or ethnic disparities in income
and should be used with caution.
The main income-generating activity besides mining in the Kadoma-Chakari area of
Zimbabwe is farming. Based on survey results, which mainly targeted communities
where mining represents an important component of the economy, many people are
engaged in mining on a part-time or seasonal basis (23%). Part-time miners tend to be
engaged in farming during the rainy season when mine shafts and pits fill up with water
and are at risk of collapsing. Approximately 34% and 20% of people are engaged in
mining or farming, respectively, on a full-time basis while 7% of people rely on other
occupations. Full-time miners are predominantly mill workers whose work is not
hindered by heavy rainfall. The average income in the area is Z$40,000 per month
(~US$49/mo).
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Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
Table Four: Monthly and Annual Income
Community Data
National Data1
Monthly
Monthly
Annual
Annual Income
Region or community
(Local Currency)
(US $)
(US $)
(US $)
Brazil
- São Chico
374.4 R
125
1500
2850
- Crepurizinho
538 R
179
2148
Indonesia3 - Talawaan
350,000 Rp
41
492
710
- Galangan
750,000 Rp
88
1056
Lao PDR Villages 4
310,000 Kip
38
456
320
Ingessana District
< 300,000 SP
< 80
< 960
350
Sudan
Rwamagasa
50,000 TSh
44
532
280
Tanzania
Kadoma-Chakari Region
40,000 Z
49
588
4802
Zimbabwe
1. Based on gross national incomes (per capita) in World Development Indicators 2002
(http://econ.worldbank.org/wdr)
2. Per Capita Incomes for 2002 in Zimbabwe unavailable 2001 Incomes shown
3. Rates presented for Indonesia are based on incomes of miners
4. Income shown for Lao PDR is per household
Like Zimbabwe, agriculture (farming and livestock keeping), in addition to trading,
fishing and mining, is a major economic activities in Rwamagasa Village, Geita District,
Tanzania. Among the people interviewed at Rwamagasa village, 54% are engaged in
mining alone, while 14% undertake a combination of farming, mining and petty business.
Around 9% practice farming alone, 7% buy gold and other minerals and 5% operate bars,
hotels and guest houses. The major economic activities for women in Rwamagasa are
food vending (mama lishe), selling vegetables in the market, working in bars, tailoring
and, to a lesser extent, mining. Both men and women are engaged in agricultural
activities. Most people (64%) have an income below TSh 50,000 per month
(US$48.40/mo), while 24% earn between TSh 51,000 and 100,000 (US$ 44 88) and
only 3% earn more than TSh 200,000 per month (US$176). Approximately 45% of
survey respondents indicated that their expenditures exceeded TSh 50,000/mo and 7%
said they spent more than TSh 200,000/mo. The tendency to spend more than the income
obtained from a primary occupation is typical of a general pattern in the country,
whereby people undertake extra work in order to meet financial needs.
Prior to civil war, the Ingessana in Sudan were wholly dependent on livestock and
subsistence farming, which meant seasonal migration of men away from villages. During
these times, women stayed home to care for children and cultivate small plots around
houses. Although reliance on cattle has ceased as travel to the war torn south is
impossible, subsistence farming ("jubraka") continues. Since 1997, gold mining has
become the most important activity practiced and is an activity in which all members of
the family participate. Prior to gold mining, the Ingessana received no cash income to
speak of. Currently, 87% of the Ingessana interviewed earn less than 300,000 Sudanese
pounds per month (less than US$ 200/mo). The majority of revenue generated (82%) is
used to purchase cattle, and to a lesser extent goats and other livestock.
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May2004
Both São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil are completely reliant on mining or mining-
related activities. In São Chico, one-third (32%) of residents are gold miners, while the
remaining inhabitants provide associated services, acting as traders (16%), machine
owners (5%), restaurant operators (7%), local businessmen (6%), farmers (5%), and
service providers (launderers, health agents, mechanics). In both communities, gold is
commonly used as currency. In São Chico, the average monthly income is approximately
16 grams of gold, which equates to approximately R$374.40 per month (US$124.80/mo).
Incomes are slightly higher in Crepurizinho, averaging about R$538 per month
(US$179/mo) for men and R$397 per month (US$123/mo) for women. Cooks who
provide services to teams of miners receive about 4 to 5 grams of gold monthly from each
member of the team, totalling a wage that ranges between 12g to 30 grams of gold per
month or R$264 - R$660 per month (US$88-$220 per month) for one or two teams,
respectively.
In Talawaan and Galangan, Indonesia, mining is significant in areas where it immediately
takes place although the regions surrounding both the Talawaan and Galangan mine sites
rely on agriculture, with cash crops including rice, coconut, coffee, cinnamon, and
nutmeg, and fisheries. In Talawaan, earnings vary slightly between miners and
millers/processors. Approximately 41% of miners earn on the order of Rp 300,000
400,000 per month (US$35-47) up to Rp 2,000,000 per month (~US$220/mo). The
majority of mill operators earn Rp 500,000 to 1,000,000 per month (~US$55-110/mo).
Most expenditures are for food, which miners purchase from mill operators at costs of Rp
170,000 to Rp 862,500 (~US$20-100/mo). Other expenses include accommodation (~Rp
500,000/mo or US$55/mo), servants (~Rp 200,000/mo or US$22/mo) and clothing,
transport, fuel, and medical purposes. The differences in income between miners and mill
operators are also evident in Galangan, where 61% of mill operators earn more than Rp
2,000,000 per month and none earn less than Rp 300,000 per month, while 58.4 % of the
miners earn Rp 500,000 to 1,000,000 per month and many often earn less than Rp
300,000 per month. As in Talawaan, the main expenditure is for food (~75%).
Between 33 and 40% of the population in the eight villages in Lao PDR are engaged in
economic activities with 38 to 45% being too young to participate in economic activities,
and the remainder being ill, elderly or otherwise unemployed. The predominant
occupations relate to agriculture, mainly cultivation of rice, and fisheries (32-52%).
Livestock rearing is also significant as it provides an opportunity to trade within regional
markets for locally unprocurable food and produce, and provides a means of protecting
against unforeseen events (such as natural disasters and medical emergencies). Less than
a few percent of the population are engaged in other occupations, such as sales and
clerical work, government posts and teaching, the exception being Ban Pak Ou where
12.4% of the population is engaged in sales and clerical work, mainly in association with
a stimulated tourism sector. Although the household cash income in the surveyed villages
is typically low, activities such as textile production and artisanal gold mining contribute
significantly to the average household income and provide a buffer for unsuccessful
agricultural seasons. Despite the potential income that can be generated from mining, it is
typically carried out only when other sources of cash income have failed, mining
conditions are favourable or when time permits. The average household income ranges
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May2004
between US $22 per month in Ban Houay Koh to approximately US $63 per month in
Ban Pak-Ou, where tourism has had a significant influence on the local economy. The
average household income among the eight villages is approximately US $38 per month.
Social Infrastructure and Amenities
Local government and related services and infrastructure are commonly underdeveloped
or altogether absent in ASM communities, leaving miners and their families to rely on
their own resources for basic amenities. This is generally the case for the GMP-target
communities, as evidenced by the quality of housing, water resources, basic sanitation,
education, health services, diet, information resources and available energy resources,
discussed below.
Housing
There are considerable differences in the quality, style and cost of housing in the GMP--
target communities. This variability is not only based on socio-cultural differences, but
also relates to whether the community is more of a mining camp, i.e. where miners leave
home communities for periods of time, or whether it is a more established community
where the family also resides in the mining area.
In the Kadoma-Chakari area, Zimbabwe, workers' housing at mill sites have been
described as "deplorable", consisting of thatch, pole and dagga2 structures that are
"hardly suitable for human habitation". Often this temporary housing is constructed by
occupants using local materials. In comparison, some miners stay in the Falcon Gold and
Glasgow Mill compounds, where buildings are constructed of brick and asbestos with
corrugated iron sheet roofs but cost Z$500-Z$1000 per month (US$ 0.61-1.22/mo).
In Sudan, where mining is a family operation, the Ingessana houses are used for cooking
food and sleeping, as well as for processing, i.e. grounding ore and gold processing,
including amalgam decomposition by burning. A number of occupants also reside in the
same household, with 38% of men having more than one wife living in the same
household, 42% have more than five children and 25% having at least two children. As
there is no private land ownership, Ingessana pay no rents or fees for land occupation.
In São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil, 90% and 60% of houses are registered and are
provided some services accordingly. Almost all houses in Crepurizinho are wooden
(98.1%) and roofed with brasilit or aluminium sheets (90.1%) with cement floors. Most
homes consist of five rooms, with a living room, two bedrooms, a kitchen and bathroom,
generally without an in-house toilet (58.8%). Housing construction is similar in São
Chico, but most houses are somewhat smaller, averaging four rooms instead of five.
Many houses are used for both commercial and residential purposes.
As it is more of a mining camp than "traditional" community, the housing in Talawaan,
Indonesia differs significantly from Galangan. In Talawaan, miners and processors live in
2 Dagga, sometimes known as hemp, is a plant used as a narcotic whose fibers are often used to make rope
and other textiles.
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May2004
barracks-like shelters; made of tarpaulin with no partitions or specific provision for basic
sanitation. Shelters, which lack bathroom facilities, are used mainly for cooking and
sleeping, as well as mercury storage. In Galangan, only 27% of the miners and 12% of
the processors reside at the mine site, while the remainder of miners live with their
families at homes typically located within 100 metres of the mine. In addition to daily
household activities (sleeping, cooking, washing, etc) 81% of processors' houses and
48.7 % of miners' houses also serve as places to store mercury and/or conduct amalgam
burning.
Basic Sanitation
Most homes and mine sites in the GMP-target communities lack basic sanitation services.
In Zimbabwe, with the exception of two mills (Glasgow and Coetzee) that provide basic
toilets in the form of pit latrines, there are no toilet facilities on all other mill or mine sites
visited. Bathrooms are in the form of grass-thatch surrounded structures constructed by
the workers themselves. In Sudan, a few households possess latrines while the majority
use the bush or abandoned pits for toilets. In Tanzania, people construct latrines for
themselves (97%), as well as pits for refuse disposal. The situation is similar in the
Brazilian villages, where 77% and 94% of villagers in São Chico and Crepurizinho,
respectively, have outdoor toilets. Refuse is deposited in unoccupied areas or burnt on-
site. In Crepurizinho, domestic sewage is directed to a dry-sewer (54%) or to an outdoor
ditch (46%). In Talawaan, Indonesia, various facilities are used including the bush and
forest (~50%), dug-pits (~20%), creeks and rivers (~20%), and water-sealed latrine (~5-
9%). In Galangan, water-sealed latrines are used far more frequently (~50%), as are
abandoned pits (~75% miners; ~40% processors).
Water Resources
GMP-target communities obtain water from a variety of sources, such as drilled deep
wells (boreholes), shallow dug wells, springs, creeks or rivers, rainwater and occasionally
flooded pits or mine shafts (Table Five). Typically, water quality is perceived to be good,
despite the likelihood of contamination from sewage in some locations and complaints
about water muddiness or hardness. In some cases, water sources are located great
distances away and must be carried, as is the case for some residents of the Kadoma-
Chakari Region in Zimbabwe, who must travel up to 5 kilometres to fetch water. In many
locales, water is obtained from multiple sources depending on its use. In Rwamagasa,
Tanzania, water used for washing and bathing is predominantly taken from boreholes
(63%), while that used in sluicing is taken from ponds and mine pits (40%) as well as
boreholes (15%). Sources also vary seasonally, as observed in Ingessana District, Sudan,
where boreholes, springs and mountain runoff are used for washing, drinking, and mining
in the rainy season and in the dry season, water must be transported from mountain
springs.
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May2004
Table Five: Water Sources and Quality
Water Source
Borehole
Spring or
Perceived
Region or community
Well
Dug Well
Creek
Other/Comments
Quality
Brazil
- São Chico
P
S1
S2
- rainwater collection
na
- Crepurizinho
P
also
Indonesia - Talawaan
P
S
- Tal: Talewaan Rivr
Good
- Galangan
-
S
S
- Gal: Abandoned
Poor
Craters (Primary)
- Bottled water (S)
Lao PDR Villages
-
-
P
- creeks for most
na
villages
Ingessana District
- springs used as a
Good (85%)
Sudan
S
-
P
primary source in the
Salty Taste
rainy season
(dry season)
Rwamagasa
Good (70%)
Tanzania
P
S1
S2
Muddy
(15%)
Kadoma-Chakari Region
-Pumped from old
Zimbabwe
P
-
-
mine shafts
- Carried from wells
Good
or springs, up to 5km
P = Primary Domestic Water Source
S = Secondary Domestic Water Source (S1 more significant than S2)
na = not available
Although water is frequently perceived to be of good quality, various types of water
treatment have been used. In Rwamagasa, Tanzania, 70% of respondents consider the
quality of water to be good, while the majority of residents treat the water by boiling
(68%) or filtering (12%). The remaining residents use chemical treatment, buy mineral
water or use the water in its untreated form. Inhabitants of Crepurizinho, Brazil are also
concerned with water treatment, with only 15% drinking untreated water and the
remainder relying on chlorination (57%) or water filters (20%).
Contrarily, residents of São Chico, Brazil generally do not treat their water before
consumption. In other GMP-target communities, the water poses an evident health risk,
but high-risk practices continue. For instance, in Ingessana District, Sudan, residents do
not boil drinking water, despite speculation about pathogenic contamination (e.g.
giardia). In Talawaan, almost 100% of residents also do not employ treatment measures.
Fortunately, in Galangan, where 58% of miners use abandoned mine pits for both
disposal of sewage and collection of drinking water, almost all residents boil water before
consumption. Galangan residents recognize that water quality is poor and also employ
other treatment measures, such as sand filtration and coagulation or simple
sedimentation.
Access to Health Services
Access to basic health services are a frequent concern of remote, rural ASM communities
and the GMP-target communities are no exception. Poor health generates a vicious cycle
when spouses or family members are infirmed and their capacity to work is diminished,
a "healthy" family member must work harder to pay for normal living expenses in
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May2004
addition to health costs. Ill health of a family member may initially drive people into
ASM and - as arduous work coupled with inexperience in mining and lack of knowledge
about chemical exposures can further exacerbate the potential for injury or illness - the
cycle of ill health and poverty is perpetuated. The primary issues with respect to access to
medical services are distance and the costs associated with transportation to clinics,
followed by the cost of treatment itself.
Despite the presence of health clinics in the Kadoma-Chakari Region, Zimbabwe, most of
them are reserved for use by employees of mining companies. For example, the Chakari
clinic is reserved for employees of Falcon Gold's Dalny Mine. Other miners and Chakari
residents must travel 20 to 40 km to facilities in or near Kadoma, which costs on the
order of Z$2000 (US$2.43) for a return trip. The community feels strongly that Falcon
Gold has neglected its social obligation to former workers who were retrenched by the
mining operation, most of whom are now small scale miners. It is believed that these
miners should be given access to the clinic, at least during emergency situations. The
majority of cases taken to clinics are not accidents, which reportedly occur infrequently,
but are related to cases of malaria and sexually transmitted diseases.
Rwamagasa Village in Tanzania also does not have adequate health services, but is in the
process of constructing a village dispensary. Currently, villagers rely on depend on five
small privately owned pharmacies in their village and services available in Geita town,
mainly a district hospital. Common illnesses in the Geita District are malaria, acute
respiratory illness, pneumonia, and typhoid.
In Ingessana District, Sudan, people must walk at least one half of a day to access the
nearest available clinic. For serious diseases, residents must travel even farther to the
Damazin Hospital, which has been described as a difficult task during the rainy season.
The most common afflictions cited by survey respondents are malaria, chest pain,
dyspnoea and coughing, as well as fatigue, irritability and depression especially among
women. It was observed that many of the miners suffer from eye problems (red eyes,
tearing, itching etc.). It should be noted that the respiratory and neuropsychological
symptoms reported are also symptoms which can be indicative of mercury toxicity. Lack
of health services for childbirth is also a major issue for women. The infant and maternal
mortality rates in Sudan are 65/1000 and 550/100,000, respectively (UNDP, 2003).
Health services are also lacking in São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil where the only
public services in the village are health posts for malaria analysis and treatment, which
belong to the National Foundation of Health. In the larger village, Crepurizinho, a health
agent is also paid for by the government to provide basic services. Approximately 39% of
workers in Crepurizinho reportedly have been sick in the last two months, and almost all
(83%) interrupted work due to illness. Around 75% from the people who fell ill sought
medical assistance at an average cost of R$160 (US$53) for private treatment. Around
20% have had a work accident and 35% have witnessed fatal accidents.
The Indonesian Government provides a local health center for each district, which
services to villages within that district. Therefore, one local health center in Kereng Pangi
takes care of the people in Katingan District (included Galangan) and one in Tatelu
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May2004
provides health services to Dimembe District (included Talawaan village). The health
center in Kereng Pangi is equipped with one doctor, nine nurses and two midwifes, while
the health center nearest to Talawaan is supported by three doctors, one dentist, 16 nurses
and nine midwifes. The centers are responsible for mother-child care (pregnancy and
immunization program), diseases like malaria and tuberculosis and minor accidents. The
centres are not sufficiently equipped to treat serious accidents and, in such cases, people
must travel to hospitals in Kasongan/Palangkaraya for Galangan Area and Manado for
Talawaan area
Of the eight villages surveyed in Lao PDR, only four have a pharmacy and two have a
dispensary, which were initially established by aid projects. General health and hygiene
standards vary throughout the region and between the surveyed villages. Between 37%
and 67% of the sample population of surveyed villages recorded a significant sickness in
the previous 12 months. Of the recorded illnesses, malaria was typically the most
common, followed by acute respiratory illness and diarrhoea.
Access to Education
Although primary schools are located within walking distance of the GMP-target
communities, access to education has been described as inadequate due to issues ranging
from a shortage of teachers, lack of secondary schools, absenteeism and early dropout
rates, and distance to schools.
High rates of absenteeism and early dropout, as documented in most GMP-target
communities, were mainly attributed to the need to use children as an informal source of
labour. As children get older, the expectation to undertake mining or various types of
informal labour (e.g. tending cattle, farming) increases significantly. This fact is
markedly influenced by the lack of secondary schools in all GMP-target communities. In
Crepurizinho, Brazil, for instance, 63% of the population has not continued beyond the
4th grade. In Zimbabwe, this is more pronounced in mining families than processing
families, as children are less likely to be engaged in processing than mining. Furthermore,
most schools in the Kadoma-Chakari region are 2-7 km away from most of the mining
sites, which likely hinders participation somewhat. Other issues in many GMP-target
communities, such as drug abuse and alcoholism, also influence attendance. In order to
reduce absenteeism, local government in Rwamagasa village, Tanzania, has gone so far
as to impose by-laws which restrict child labour in ASM.
In the Blue Nile region in Sudan, where there are 161 primary schools, most of them have
a shortage of classroom buildings, teacher's houses, latrines and furniture. Furthermore,
the teacher to pupil ratio is 1:95, which is considerably worse then the national standard
ratio of 1:45. The shortage of teachers in the Region is partly attributed to irregular
payment of the salaries (most teachers are paid every three to six months) combined with
an elevated death rate currently the death rate is one teacher per month.
In Brazil, as in most places, the presence of village schools is strongly dependent on
government support. In Crepurizinho, the single elementary school offers grades one to
six and is staffed by six employees (four teachers, a caretaker and a cook). In 2003, 146
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May2004
students enrolled, less than half that enrolled in 2002 (300 students). The school building,
formerly a hospital, was purchased and donated by a city councillor. The school has its
own power generator, whose fuel is provided by the local government. In São Chico, the
village school was constructed in January 2003 but ceased operation in June 2003 for
reasons unknown.
As in other GMP-target communities, the Lao PDR villages have primary schools, but
secondary education is only accessible at considerable distances from home, in this case
district centers. Thus, it is not surprising that only 5% of the population had completed
Costs related to secondary school include transportation costs, accommodation and
schooling fees.
Gender barriers have also been shown to influence girls' access to education. Almost all
of the Ingessana people interviewed indicated that the education of women is not
important, as illustrated by an illiteracy rate in women of 99%. In some countries, girls
are removed from school at the onset of puberty, due to mistrust of male teachers and
students and fears of unwanted pregnancies (Unesco, 2000). When girls do enter the
school system, they tend to be responsible for considerably more extracurricular chores
than boys, thereby resulting in a longer hours worked daily and less attention to
homework.
Diet
In most GMP-target communities, carbohydrates represent the bulk of the household diet.
Protein sources, such as meat and fish, are less frequently consumed as they typically
must be purchased, are prized for their value or are scarcely available. The exceptions are
communities where fish are locally available, such as Lao PDR. When protein is not
available on site, frequency of protein consumption can be correlated with income. For
example, processors in Talawaan, Indonesia, consume meat far more frequently than their
mining counterparts. In some locations, such as in Brazil, Sudan and Lao PDR, mining
families keep a small garden or plot of land which provides a source of vegetables or
additional grains. Due to the lack of protein in most diets, combined with the lack of
fruits and vegetables in some communities, malnutrition could be prevalent in some
GMP-target communities, evidence of which was observed in Tanzania. Based on
surveys conducted in GMP-target communities, diets of community residents have been
summarized in Table Six.
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May2004
Table Six: Diet
Region or
community
Carbohydrates
Protein
Vegetables or Fruit
Other
Sao Chico and
- rice (daily)
- Beef (weekly to
- depends on
- beans
Crepurizinho
- cassava flour (daily) daily)
seasonal availability
(daily)
Brazil
- Fish (infrequently)
(supplemented by
gardens)
Talawaan and
- rice (daily)
- Fish (daily by
- vegetables (daily
- milk
Galangan
- instant noodles (bi-
processors; tri-
in Galangan only)
(weekly)
Indonesia
weekly)
weekly miners)
- eggs
(rarely)
Lao PDR Villages - rice (daily)
- Fish (daily)
- vegetables (forest
- eggs (2-7
(8)
- Chicken (rarely)
collected and grown
times per
in small gardens)
week)
- fruit (2-7 times
per week)
Ingessana District - sorghum, maize-
- Meat rarely
- rarely (dried
- milk (67%
Sudan
based staple
(only 7% eat daily)
vegetables)
drink daily)
(presumed)
- Fish very rarely
Rwamagasa
- Not known
- Meat
- Vegetables (50%
- beans, milk
Village
(presumed to be a
- Fish
eat daily)
(~1 time/d)
Tanzania
staple)
- Chicken
- Fruit (27% eat
- eggs (less
All 1-2 times/week
daily)
than 1
time/wk)
Kadoma-Chakari
- Sadza (corn meal
- Meat (1-2 times
- Vegetables (twice
- beans, eggs
Region Zimbabwe
porridge twice daily) per week)
daily)
and milk (1-
- Fish (occasionally
2 times per
when in season)
week)
Sources of Energy
Many GMP-target communities are not located on the national power grids or electricity
costs are prohibitive, thus, residents rely on other sources of energy, exclusively or in
combination. Sources of energy include the whole spectrum of possible alternatives, from
firewood to a range of petroleum products through to electricity. In Geita district,
Tanzania, the main sources of energy for both industrial and domestic use are firewood,
petroleum products and electricity. People in Rwamagasa village depend mainly on
firewood, charcoal and kerosene for cooking and lighting purposes, and petrol and diesel
to run milling machines and crushers. Firewood and charcoal are the only sources of
energy in the Ingessana Hills. Firewood and charcoal, and to a lesser extent kerosene, is
used for cooking in Indonesia, while generators and kerosene are mainly used for lighting
by processors and miners, respectively. In Lao PDR, three of the eight villages surveyed
(Ban Houay Lo, Ban Latthahai and Ban Pak-Ou) are supplied with electricity.
Information and Communication
The sources of information that are available to and used by area residents must be
ascertained to effectively design and implement an intervention. In the majority of GMP-
target communities, radio is a key means of obtaining information and should be
considered for information dissemination campaigns. In Zimbabwe, radio repair is cited
one of the main source of subsidiary livelihoods in the Kadoma-Chakari Region. In
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May2004
Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, despite the extensive telecommunication and cellular
telephone services available in the Geita District (through the Tanzania
Telecommunication Company Limited and Vodacom/Celtel, respectively), telephone
service is not available. Most residents rely on a number of available radio stations within
the country (e.g. Radio Tanzania and Radio Free Africa). Furthermore, residents of
Rwamagasa must travel to Geita town in order to access the Tanzania Posts office, which
offers services such as mailing letters, parcels and financial transfers, both locally and
internationally.
Transistor radios are the only means of information in the Ingessana District of Sudan.
The nearest telephone service is found in Dairang village some 30 km away. The Gam
chromite mine and Police stations in Bau and Gam have wireless facilities.
In the Brazilian communities, access to telecommunication services varies between the
two communities. Since 2002, Crepurizinho has had a telephone line (Telemar), which
provides service to a number of public and residential telephones. Alternately, São Chico,
is still not integrated into the telephone network, but one residence offers telephone
services (rural mobile) that works as a public telephone (costing ~US$1/min for a
conventional telephone call). In both communities, 65-80% of residents obtain
information from the radio and, in Crepurizinho, television.
In Talawaan, Indonesia, radio is the most favoured source of information for the mining
community, as reported by 64% of the miners and 61 % of the processors. Other sources
of information are newspapers, television, and/or community leaders, while 17% of
miners and processors indicate that they do not have any source of information. In
Galangan, general information is obtained from a combination of community leaders,
radio, television and newspapers. Interestingly, almost 60% of miners and processors
claim that their main source of information is community leaders. Radio is also a source
of information for 18% of respondents, but an additional 18 % of miners claim that they
have no source of information.
MINING ACTIVITIES
The duration of mining, number of those impacted by or reliant on the activity, type of
practices employed, division of labour and arrangements by which people sell products
and purchase goods, all directly influence the extent and nature of environmental and
human health impacts and provide a broader indication of the impacts and benefits of
ASM. These characteristics vary somewhat between the GMP-target communities,
however, some very critical similarities suggest that inherent knowledge and instinct that
may drive these commonalities across cultures and continents.
Mining practices in GMP-target communities ranged from low-tech methods, as in the
Sudan, to somewhat mechanized operations, as observed in some Brazilian mine sites.
Often, a clear division of labour is evident, which is gender-based (e.g. men as diggers,
women as panners), class-based or, in some cases, racially-based. In most communities,
miners were clearly differentiated from millers/processors, with the latter earning often
much higher incomes.
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May2004
In all locations, mining is a time and labour intensive activity. For example, in
Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, the majority of miners spend 12 hours per day processing
gold. However, one-quarter of miners spend 24 hours in the pits. The Ingessana people in
Sudan spend on average eight hours per day at the mine site doing work they contend is
tedious and high-risk. In Talawaan, miners work in shifts throughout 24 hours a day; on
average the miners and the processors work more than 6 hours a day. The minimum they
work is 4 hours a day and the miners work a maximum of 12 hours while the processors
work a maximum of 8 hours a day. The specifics of mining practices in each of the GMP-
target communities are summarized as follows.
History of Participation in Mining
Other than the Brazilian and Laotian communities, which are marked by several decades
of ASM, most artisanal mining activities in GMP-target communities commenced in the
late-1990's (Table Seven). Although the cause for participation in mining is frequently
linked to poverty and the lack of viable alternatives, other reasons relate to family
tradition, recommendations from friends and displacement or downsizing from a local or
regional large scale mining company.
In Zimbabwe, small-scale artisanal gold mining is a growing sector whose effects cannot
be ignored. In the Kadoma-Chakari area, this sector has significantly increased since the
1990's. This can be correlated to the downscaling of mining operations of the main mines
in the area, which include the Dalny Mine owned by Falcon Gold and the Cam & Motor,
Brompton and Patchway Mines, all owned by Rio Tinto Zimbabwe. This left the greater
community in the area unemployed who, as a means of survival, are now engaged in
small-scale gold mining.
According to a survey conducted in Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, most respondents
commenced mining activities around 1972, but this commenced in other mine sites. The
mining activities gained momentum at Rwamagasa from 1998 onwards. Due to the
transient nature of the miners, it is difficult to ascertain the exact numbers of miners, but
it is believed to be increasing, mainly as many miners displaced by the Geita Gold
Mining Company (GGM), based in Geita Town, opted to invest money from
compensation packages into small-scale mining in Rwamagasa.
Most people in Rwamagasa initially became involved in mining due to economic
hardship (21%), while others had done so on the advice of friends (18%). Remaining
respondents (78%) are continuing on the family tradition, having inherited the activity
from their parents, or grew up in a community without other economic alternatives. Of
the people interviewed, 98% have lived there for more than five years. Most of them
come from different parts of the country, but mainly from a neighboring village in
Nyarugusu ward (11%), which is another prominent mining area in Geita district.
Although artisanal mining of both primary and secondary (e.g. alluvial) ore bodies has
taken place throughout the Blue Nile Region since the 17th century, mining in the
Inganassa District in Sudan has reportedly only taken place since 1996, when gold was
discovered about 80 miles southwest of Damazin town, the capital of the Region.
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May2004
Chromium (chromite) mining is also important to the region. Since 1996, a significant
number of people have been attracted to the region, especially those displaced by the civil
war, such as the Dawalla ethnic group. Now there are more than 800 families practicing
alluvial and hard rock artisanal gold mining in Ingessana district. Most of the mining
skills of the Ingessana people, including the use of mercury in gold amalgamation, were
learned from the Dawalla who were displaced by civil war from the historic Kurmuk gold
mining district. In addition to gold mining, the Dawalla are also the main buyers of gold
from the Ingessana. They provide them with mercury and also supply them with their
daily needs (sugar, bread, soap, tea, coffee, etc.), likely in exchange for gold.
The communities of São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil both have much longer mining
histories than most other GMP-communities, with discoveries occurring in 1963 and
1962, respectively. Presumably, the first areas exploited were those closest to the village,
which was built around the airplane landing strip. With the opening of the
Transgarimpeira in the mid-1980's, site access was no longer limited to air, which
contributed greatly to the viability of mining during the 90's. With exploitation of
primary deposits in the late 1990's, São Chico reached top production in 1999-2001,
producing about two tons of gold in a single work front (Montanha) and attracting up to
5,000 people. Since then, mining activities have subsided considerably at São Chico.
Crepurizinho, which was discovered around the same time, relied on boat access until
1974, when a landing strip was constructed, followed by road access with construction of
the Transgarimpeira Highway. Crepurizinho achieved top production between 1983 and
1990, producing around 350-400 kg of gold per month. At that time, 10,000 people lived
at the village. In the 90's, the discovery of new ore bodies heated the region's economy
again, albeit not at the same level as those observed in the eighties.
Mining activities in Talawaan area began in 1998 following the discovery of gold in 1997
by PT Tambang Tondano Nusajaya a joint venture owned by Aurora Gold Ltd. (85%)
and PT Austindo Mining Corporation (15%). The mining area is closed to some villages,
despite the fact that the area was previously used for agriculture by adjacent
communities. A severe economic crisis in 1998, combined with the delayed start-up of
company operations, led to the shift of many local residents into gold mining. Rumours
about the presence of gold in the area of Tatelu resulted in invasion of the company's
mine sites and a rapid growth of ASM activities in Wasian, Taelu, Tatelu Rondor, Tatelu
Warukapas, Talawaan, Kolongan, and Tetey villages. Between July 2000 and June 2004,
the number of processing units grew from about 250 to 400 units, the majority of which
were constructed near the Talawaan River and its tributaries. With this rapid growth, the
negative perceptions from local inhabitants reliant on fisheries and fruit plantations also
escalated. The government subsequently tried to control mining by restricting activities to
no closer than 700 meters from the rivers or springs and the villages, but these efforts
were to no avail.
With mining activities extending back to the 1970's, Galangan has experienced a much
longer mining history than Talawaan. Mining began with simple panning along rivers
until the introduction and widespread use of mercury in the late 1980s changed practices.
This was followed by the use of hydraulic monitors which are employed today. Between
1986 and 1999, PT Ampalit Mas Perdhana, an Australia - Indonesia mining company,
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May2004
operated on ~25% of a 200 km2 protected area. During this time, widespread ASM in the
region caused extensive environmental devastation resulting in the delayed closure of the
PT Ampalit Mas Perdhana's mine. During the height of activities, more than 5000 miners
worked in the region but today this number has decreased to about 500 units of 4-6
workers (~2500 miners). In Galangan, Kalimantan, alluvial gold mining provides
employment for about 2500 people working in 500 separate units or sites. The place lies
approximately 100 km from the Palangkaraya city, the capital of Central Kalimantan. The
nearest urban area is Kereng Pangi, a small town with around 10,000 inhabitants that is
located 7 km from Galangan.
Table Seven: Participation in Mining Activities
Duration of Miners
Length of Time in
Commencement of
Participation in
GMP-target
Mining in GMP-target
Region or community
ASM (Average)
Community (Average)
Community
Sao Chico
- 16 yrs
- 8.1 yrs
- 1963
Crepurizinho
- 18.5 yrs
- 6.5 yrs
- 1962
Brazil
(both escalated in the
1980's)
Talawaan
- < 5 yrs
- na (likely same as
- 1998
Galangan
- < 5 yrs
duration in mining)
- 1980
Indonesia
Lao PDR Villages (8)
- na
- na
- between 1978 and
1985 (ave 1982)
Ingessana District
- 7 years (since 1996) - traditional land
- 1996
Sudan
(Inganassa)
- less than 7 years
(Dawalla)
Rwamagasa Village
- almost 30 yrs
- more than 5 yrs
- 1998
Tanzania
Kadoma-Chakari Region
- na
- na
- Since 1990's
Zimbabwe
(major escalation)
In most of the surveyed villages in Lao PDR, ASM began in the mid-1970s, and was a
widespread activity by 1980. ASM is typically carried out at the family level involving
men, women and children who are generally lacking in technical skills and sophisticated
equipment. The extent of mining activities and the resultant gold outputs vary among
villages in the region, with between 45% and 96% of the surveyed households having at
least one household member engaged in the activity.
Mining Practices
Kadoma-Chakari District
The Kadoma mining district, together with the Kwe Kwe mining district, have for many
years been the leading gold producers in Zimbabwe. Large mines include Dalny,
Patchway, Golden Valley, Globe and Phoenix, Cam and Motor, Gaika, Brompton and
Indarama. There are more than one hundred small gold mines in the area, which have
also been productive at different times throughout the twentieth century. Less than half of
these have accounted for over 90% of the production. Most of the large mines ceased
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gold production more than two decades ago. Collectively, the mines in this area have
produced hundreds of tonnes of gold over the years. All mining activities in the Kadoma
area are situated within commercial and resettlement agricultural areas, which are among
the leading producers of cotton and maize in the country.
It is estimated that over 20,000 small-scale miners are active within the Kadoma-Chakari
region. Less than 5,000 of these are involved in reef mining and reprocessing of tailings,
while the bulk are alluvial gold panners. The latter accounts for more than 75% of the
mercury consumption in the region. Most of this mining activity is concentrated in the
vicinity of three large-scale mines (Dalny, Golden Valley and Patchway Mines). In
Zimbabwe, it is estimated that there are between 300,000 and 400,000 artisanal gold
miners sustaining the livelihoods of at least two million people (Maponga and Ngorima,
2003).
There are three categories of people engaged in the ASM in the Kadoma-Chakari district:
1. Miners who excavate and extract semi-weathered gold ore and take this for
processing at custom milling centers. There are about 3,000 to 5,000 people involved
in this activity. The miners extract ore from narrow shafts as deep as 50 m and hire
trucks once a month to take the extracted material to the milling centers. Miners do
not process the ore. The monthly production of one team of miners (3 to 4 people) is
reported to be around 20 tonnes, which is enough to produce 200 g of gold (if gold
recovery of 10 g/tonne of ore processed is assumed).
2. Millers who work in the milling centers where the ore is milled and concentrated for
the miners. There are probably about 1,000 to 2,000 people in over 70 milling sites in
the Kadoma-Chakari region. Millers have more capital and education than the
majority of miners and panners.
3. Panners are individuals who concentrate alluvial gold by panning the gravels in
creeks and rivers or re-processing tailings from former industrial mining operations.
They represent the majority of individuals extracting gold. The 15,000 to 25,000
panners in the Kadoma-Chakari region are highly nomadic.
Miners and Millers:
In the Kadoma-Chakari region, ore extraction is highly manual, involving digging with
basic tools, i.e. picks, shovels, hammers and chisels. Where reef mining occurs, shallow
shafts and tunnels are excavated. Workers and ore are hoisted by windlass and bucket. In
most instances, steps are dug into shaft walls as people dig deeper (up to 30m) to enable
the ore to be moved up by shovels. However, in a few cases vertical shafts are dug, with
miners being sent down using a bucket and rope from a hand-operated winch. In such
cases, digging can go to depths beyond 30m. The ore is transported by road to the nearest
functional stamp or ball mill. Due to the manual nature of the work and hardness of the
parent rock, digging is primarily undertaken by men. When women are involved in the
digging of the ore, this usually is at shallow depths (2-5m). Protective clothing (gloves,
coveralls, safety boots, helmets) are generally not worn by any of the miners.
Ore is sent to nearby, independently-operated stamp or ball mills for crushing. Some
miners bring their ore from as far as 70km away. The average load brought to the mill by
a miner is roughly 5 tonnes of ore per month. This yields between 5-15 g of gold
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depending on the quality and source of the ore. The technology employed by the
customized, electrically-powered milling centres varies with some using wet stamp mills
(3 or 5 stamps) with a capacity of 0.2 to 0.5 tonne/h and others using jaw crushers
followed by grinding with ball mills with a capacity of between 0.7 to 2 tonnes/h. Miners
prefer milling centers with stamp mills as they believe that ball mills retain part of the
gold in the internal liners. Stamp mills seem to be more accepted in the region likely
because the entire process is clearly visible to miners - despite their relative inefficiency
in grinding and the longer grinding time.
The centers charge between Z$ 10,000 (US$2.86) to Z$ 14,000 (US$4) per hour of
grinding and concentration depending on the hardness of the ore. Using stamp mills, hard
rocks take 5 hours/tonne to be ground and concentrated, whereas soft ores take 1.8
hours/tonne. The stamp mills operate with water and the pulp is discharged through a 48
or 65 mesh screen (0.3 to 0.2 mm). The pulp (about 20% solids) discharged by mills
subsequently undergoes whole ore amalgamation using copper-amalgam plates or a
concentration process.
When concentration follows milling instead of whole ore amalgamation, this generally
involves use of a Zimbabwean centrifuge (known as a "speedy bowl"). The centrifuges
used in Kadoma are 120° cones, like a "batea" with riffles on the wall. They are copies of
the Knudsen Concentrator developed decades ago in California. There is no fluidization
to promote mineral exchange in the concentrate bed and it is likely that gold is lost once
the riffles are full. The efficiency of the speedy bowl can be improved by introducing a
rake to scratch the concentrate bed. These centrifuges cost a fraction of the price
(between US$ 1000 and 2000) of the available centrifugal concentrators (e.g. Knelson
and Falcon concentrators) and local equipment manufacturers have the technical capacity
to develop any type of equipment suitable for small-scale miners. About 30 to 33 kg of
gravity concentrate is produced from a batch of 15 to 20 tonnes of ore.
Some miners add three teaspoons (~ 45g/teaspoon) of mercury into the centrifuges. This
poor practice "flours" part of the mercury, which results in its loss with tailings. Millers
wash out the concentrate from the centrifuge and give it to miners who perform the
amalgamation in barrels, adding 400 to 800 g of mercury to amalgamate 30 to 33 kg of
concentrate. Miners can add what they want to amalgamation barrels, including soap,
acids, etc. Many miners add sodium cyanide tablets into the amalgamation barrels to
clean the gold surface and improve amalgamation. In many cases the pH of the pulp is
below 7 facilitating the release of hydrogen cyanide gas, unbeknownst to the miners. In
many cases, miners prefer to conduct amalgamation manually (i.e not using barrels)
adding mercury to pans or plastic trays. The gold is then recovered on-site by evaporating
mercury by burning.
When whole ore amalgamation is conducted in lieu of centrifuges, ground ore is mixed
with mercury on the copper plate and, once amalgamation has taken place, the amalgam
is scraped off and squeezed in a cloth to remove unused mercury, which is then collected
in a container for re-use. The gold is then recovered on-site by volatilizing mercury by
burning. As miners often bring their own mercury and add it at various stages of the
process, estimates of mercury consumption are difficult to establish. In two operations,
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the amount of gold produced in each milling center using centrifuges was around 2 to 3
kg/month with between 2 and 3 kg/month of mercury being lost in the process. This
results in a ratio Hglost:Auproduced = 1. When copper plates are used to amalgamate the
whole ground ore, the miners estimate that twice as much mercury is lost. Assuming that
all 70 milling centers in the region are losing between 2 and 4 kg of Hg /mo, on the order
of 1.7 to 3.4 tonnes/a of mercury is being emitted to the environment in the Kadoma-
Chakari region from the milling operations alone.
In both the stamp mill and ball mill processes, most of the gold is retained in the primary
tailings; thus, the millers apply vat-cyanidation to extract this remaining gold. Miners
receive no compensation for the gold extracted from tailings. Most centers have 5 to 10
cyanidation tanks to process tailings. About 20 to 70 tonnes of tailings from the gravity
circuit and the amalgamation process are added to cement tanks to be leached with 18 kg
of sodium cyanide (NaCN) per tank. No pH monitoring is done. Operators add 50 kg of
calcium hydroxide (Ca(OH)2) per tank and wait an average of 6 days to complete the
leaching step. Since no forced aeration is provided to the pulp, the leaching process is
slow and sometimes it takes 10 to 15 days, depending on the gold concentration and
accessibility of the cyanide solution to the gold in the ore particles. The solution
percolates through the ore and it is recovered at the bottom of the tanks where a sand-
filtering process is set up. The gold-laden cyanide solution is analyzed using a SnCl2
colorimetric method to check the gold content. The solution passes through 6 PVC
columns lined with activated charcoal to remove gold from the cyanide solution. As the
millers do not have access to the stripping technique, they remove the first three columns
and send them to a company in Kwe Kwe which performs the elution (gold stripping)
process. This company charges Z$ 175,000 (US$50) per load to strip gold from the
carbon and deposit it by electro-winning onto iron wool. The millers do not have any
control over the amount of gold in the carbon given to the elution company. The millers
dissolve the iron wool with hydrochloric or sulphuric acid to obtain pure gold. The final
tailings from vat-leaching, which contain residual cyanide, are carelessly disposed of
although some centers re-vegetate the dump sites.
Panners:
Gold panners in the Kadoma-Chakari area work in local rivers and streams, especially the
Muzvezve River, or pan tailings from former mining company operations (sometimes
with their authorization). Panners are typically from other regions or countries and are
frequently harassed by local police. In the dry season, panners often divert the Muzvezve
River and excavate the gravels to concentrate gold in improvised sluice boxes (locally
known as `James Tables', processing 1.5 to 2 tonnes of material per day and recovering
0.2 to 0.4 g of gold (and losing an equal amount of mercury). Gravel is excavated
manually and washed in rudimentary home-made screens (a sheet of iron with ½ inch
holes) to remove coarse pebbles. The fines pass through the sluice boxes lined with
pieces of clothes. After several runs, the cloth is washed in an excavated pool located in
or outside the river. Subsequent amalgamation in plastic trays yields a small amount of
amalgam which is burnt in an open wood fire. Amalgamation tailings are discarded along
river margins.
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Rwamagasa, Tanzania
In Geita district in Tanzania, two types of gold mining are conducted: small-scale
artisanal mining, which is undertaken in 250 small scale mining sites that average 8.3
hectares in size, and large-scale mining, which includes a degree of research (i.e. reserve
estimation). The majority of artisanal miners are in Nyamtondo, Rwamagasa, Mgusu,
Nyarugusu and Nyakagwe wards, with majority of the residents of Rwamagasa being
primarily involved in mining. Most artisanal miners do not own claims and, as a general
rule, 30-50% of the ore dug out of the ground is given to the claim holder every three
days. In Rwamagasa, many of the enterprises are family affairs and participation in this
livelihood is passed down through generations.
In Rwamagasa, miners dig shafts or pits to reach the paying reef or weathered lateritic
material. Using picks and shovels, they dig as deep as 10 to 15 meters to reach the gold-
bearing lateritic material where fragmented quartz and greenstone rocks are encountered.
Semi-weathered to hard rock ores are also mined using shafts with depths between 50-
100 m to reach the main gold-bearing layer crossing the area, known as the Blue Reef.
After using explosives to break the hard ore rock, rock is dug out with a pick and shovel
and then hoisted to the surface using locally fabricated wooden winches or a hoisting
winch.
Usually the miners grind an ore fragment to test it for visible gold. A drum of water (200
liters) is used to wash the crushed test ore. The drum is supplied at a cost of 200 TShs
(US$ 0.18) by local traders or business (known as "Makota"). The drum owner claims
any gold left at the bottom of the drum. On the basis of results from test gold washing,
the miner decides to continue mining or move on to another site.
Usually the ore is taken home to be manually crushed either by members of the family or
labourers. After the ore is crushed to a certain size, the ore is taken to the ball mill.
Alternately, miners sell ore to Makota or transport it themselves to milling centres, which
are located in residential areas or on the bank of the Isingile River. Makota buy the ore on
the spot based on a visual estimate and quick tests of the gold content, a practice which
enables the miners to continue their activities, but may not yield a fair price for the ore.
The ore is sun-dried or stacked over wood and leaf fires in order to dry it. Ore is
transported to milling centres using trucks, tractors, donkeys, bicycles, and humans,
especially children and women. Approximately 40 kg of ore is transported in
polyethylene bags to the milling centres where different individuals are hired to crush the
ore manually before it is fed into ball mills for final crushing into powder.
The ball mills, which use cast or forged steel balls, are usually composed of a modified
tractor with a wheel hub connected to the ball mill or are powered by diesel generators. In
one operation visited, the ball charge was: 200 balls of 6.46cm, 800 balls of 4.86cm,
and 200 balls of 3.24cm while in another it was: 30 balls of 9.70cm, 570 balls of
4.86cm, and 600 balls of 3.24cm. These loads occupied more than the 35-40% of the
mill volume, which is what is normally recommended for dry grinding to provide mill
volume for air sweeping and dust control (Rowland, 2000). In some cases, the balls mills
are poorly sealed and dust is emitted throughout the process. Finely ground ore is
discharged through a perforated steel plate in the side of the mill. As water scarcity is not
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an issue, it is unclear why wet grinding is not used, but it may be attributed to the fact
that it is easier to handle and bag dry ore. This is a significant issue as each individual in
the processing centers, including the mill owner, is paid by the amount of ore bags
processed (Table Eight). It has been observed that wet grinding may result in some
improvements as it would reduce dust in the air and require at least 30% less power than
dry grinding.
Table Eight: Payment for Individuals to Perform Various Processing Operations1
Activity
Amount paid/kg to an individual
kg processed per day
hand crushing
TSh$ 14 19
80 - 100
(US$ 0.0125-0.0175)
soft: 640-720 2
TSh $ 85 99
grinding
medium: 400-480
(US$ 0.075 - 0.0875)
hard: 320-400
sluicing
TSh$ 14 - 28
400 - 600
(US$ 0.0125 to 0.025)
amalgamation
TSh 112 (US$ 0.10)3
10 - 20
1. A typical extraction production of a team of miners is of 800 kg/week of hardrock and 8,000 kg/week of weathered (soft)
ore. In many cases the payment is with ore bags instead of cash
2. grinding rates depends on ore hardness
3. manual amalgamation: per kg of concentrate processed
After crushing, the material is washed in nearby man-made ponds over a 4-6 m wooden
pan covered with sackcloth or sisal cloth (i.e. a sluice box). The dry ground ore is
discharged into a feeding box and water is carefully added using buckets. The sisal
clothes are very coarse and it seems to be adequate for coarse-to-medium-size gold
particles but not fine gold particles. The cloth is then washed clean in a bucket in which
the concentrate settles and is recovered for subsequent amalgamation. Tailings are left at
the site (and may subsequently be reprocessed) or simply dumped into the river.
Mercury, which is typically provided by the owners of the mills at a cost of ~TSh 22,500
(US$ 20/kg), is added to the concentrate in a pan and thoroughly pressed and mixed by
hand for up to 2 hours. Panning is conducted until all that remains is the final amalgam
product with the remaining mercury and tailings usually being discharged into a concrete
tank for reprocessing (which is usually undertaken by women) or directly into the river.
The amalgam is then burned in open air to release mercury, leaving gold. Burning usually
takes place in locally made charcoal stoves or bonfires. In most of the operations, the
visible amount of remaining mercury in the gold doré seems to be higher than 20%. The
miners put the amalgam in a polishing shoe tin and this into a bonfire covered with
charcoal. Men, women and children often watch the burning process throughout. Gold is
most commonly purchased by Makota for about TSh 10,000 (~US$ 8.85) per gram or if it
is of good quality.
Ingessana Hills, Sudan
Gold mining has taken place in the southern Blue Nile region for more than 100 years,
but was only initiated within the Ingessana Hills in the past decade. This transition can
mainly be attributed to the displaced Dawalla people, whose resettlement and subsequent
need for livelihoods led to prospecting and discovery of gold, first in a quartz vein near to
Gugub village. Although the Dawalla continue to be regarded as the most skilled in
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artisanal mining in the region (and control mainly aspects of mining supply and trade),
the indigenous Ingessana have also learned artisanal gold mining skills, significantly
increasing the incomes of both groups to ~S.D.20000 (US$80) per month. The Dawalla
contend that they learned how to use mercury to recover gold in the North of Sudan.
Thus, it is likely that when peace is achieved in the South, Dawalla miners will bring
back amalgamation to homeland as a "new" technique learned in Gugub.
Gold mining in the sites around Gugub is practiced without legal titles. Given the adverse
situation created by the civil strife in the 1990's, the Government tried to legalize gold
mining in the southern Blue Nile and elsewhere by granting special licenses. In 1998, the
government granted a 10 km2 concession covering the Gugub sites to a national
company, while protecting the rights of artisanal gold miners to continue mine alluvial
gold in the area. The legal conditions, however, strictly approved of only alluvial mining.
A few mill owners attempted to introduce hammer mills in Gugub in 1997-1998 but
authorities quickly drove them out.
Gugub and the surroundings communities comprise about six major artisanal gold mining
sites. At present, Khor Gidad and Khor Neiwi, ~7 km north and 5 km northeast of Gugub,
are the main sites where more than 800 artisanal gold miners produce gold from both
alluvial and illuvial deposits. Primary gold is found in three sites including the
noteworthy discovery of gold-rich quartz vein in September 2003 near Khor Gidad. With
information of the strike, ~500 miners rushed into the area from Gugub and elsewhere
and extracted 56 kilograms of gold in a single week. Currently the number of miners in
Gugub and in nearby villages, Taga and Khor Gam, is ~800 and ~300 artisanal miners,
respectively. More than 50% of the workforce is comprised of women and, in the rainy
season, this can reach as much as 90% as men go planting.
In the Ingessana District, both hard rock and soft rock mining takes place. Gold mining
and extraction in the Gugub site of the Ingessana Hills is a labour intensive job at all
stages. Once a rich gold occurrence is located, hundreds of artisanal gold mining families
start wildcat pitting the hillside or stream terraces until the gold-rich horizons are
reached; usually at depths between 5 and 20 m. Men and women dig shafts of
approximately 5 meters in depth using axes, picks, and shovels. In the case of hard rock
deposits, 5 kg sledge hammers and chisels are also used. Usually two or three people
work in one shaft simultaneously. One miner works underground with a torch or dry
battery, while another hauls 20-25kg of ore using a bucket and a rope. A third miner
empties the bucket into a plastic or wooden container and carries it to a site where further
processing takes place.
Ore is most frequently carried home where it is crushed and ground, mainly by women,
until very fine. In some cases grinding is undertaken using a steel mortar or grindstone.
Each individual produces no more than 10 kg of ground material per day. Using a
wooden pan (~5 kg capacity) and some water, panning of the ground ore is conducted by
women. When only fine grains remain, visible gold is removed by hand picking. Then
mercury is added to the concentrate and amalgamation takes place in a frying pan. This is
subsequently burnt, often in the presence of several family members who await the
results in anticipation. As gold is sometimes visible in certain rock types, many Ingessana
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believe hard rock mining to be more viable than soft rock or alluvial mining. Gold is
subsequently sold to a trader, who deducts the cost of additional mercury purchased. The
gold trader, who spends the day travelling from site to site, usually pays either in cash or
goods (e.g. sugar, tea, flour, soap etc.).
Alluvial-type gold, which is mainly panned by women and old men, goes directly to the
market without further processing. The efficiency of panning using traditional wooden
pan is ~50%. In sites like Khor Gidad north of Gugub, water for panning is scarce in mid
summer. Ingessana women bring water from shallow wells ~2 km away to sell. Water is
transported by balancing a pair of 4-gallon plastic containers on their shoulder using a
stick. Two containers (eight gallons) of water cost SD 50 (US$ 0.20).
On average, the amount of gold ore extracted from a pit per miner per day is about 0.5
tonnes of alluvium and 20-30 kilograms of rock. A gram of gold produced from alluvium
through panning has a higher price in the local market (US$9-9.5) compared to a gram of
gold extracted from hard rocks through amalgamation (US$ 6- 6.5). Gold trade both in
Gugub village and in the mining sites is handled by about 5 local merchants and a
number of traders/middlemen from El Damazin. Gold is weighed using locally-made
balances, which are not always well-calibrated. Only one dealer at Khor Gidad has a
small digital balance.
Final purification and melting of gold is traditionally performed by goldsmiths; the end
dealers in the production cycle. The goldsmiths are also the major mercury suppliers
because they have access to big gold markets in Khartoum and Omdurman. Gugub
merchants buy mercury from dealers at ~US$29/kg. It is also known that part of the
produced artisanal gold goes to neighbouring Ethiopia. There is a longstanding legal and
illegal border trade of coffee, livestock, and gold; particularly in the Kurmuk and Qeissan
boarder districts.
In Gugub sites and elsewhere within southern Blue Nile region, tailings produced from
gold extraction activities are usually disposed of near the mining/panning extraction site.
Conspicuous tailings heaps are a common picture wherever there are alluvial or primary
artisanal gold mining activities. Around Gugub, it is estimated that about 400,000-
500,000 cubic meters of tailings/waste has accumulated along the banks of Khor Gidad,
Khor Neiwi, and other localized areas. Seasonal run-off washes a portion of the tailings
into stream beds leading to siltation of rivers that extends as far as the Blue Nile.
São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil
In São Chico, Brazil, six out of seven work sites are active, with a total of 69 people
directly involved in the extraction (59 miners/workers and 10 cooks). Secondary gold
mining and in all active sites but one reprocessing of tailings takes place. Tailings are
reworked up to three times, sometimes not even covering extraction costs. Work teams
are composed of three people (one in the "spurt end", one on the hose, one assistant),
with 30% of the gold produced given to them. Extraction through reprocessing of tailings
eliminates several of the work stages which traditionally require a lot of effort (root
cutting, river bank clearance).
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In Crepurizinho, the situation is much different. Since 1998, miners from Poconé, Brazil
have brought gold processing plants to the region. Using mills, centrifugal concentrators
and amalgamation containers, these plants are able to process an average of 25 to 30
cubic meters of auriferous material daily, staffed by two shifts of six people. Typically,
mining takes place using pairs of machines with three team members. In Crepurizinho,
most alluvial deposits have been exploited and mining is mainly focused on primary gold
deposits. In this case, amalgamation usually takes place at mills. Cyanidation is now also
conducted in at least two locations. Mining in Crepurizinho is now facing an
unprecedented problem: a lack of work force. At least two visited work fronts were
paralysed due to lack of workers. In July 2003, around 60 pairs of machines and 15 shafts
were active in the region. This translates to a population of about 350 people working
directly in these sites (300 gold miners and 50 cooks) and a monthly production of about
50 kg gold.
Gold extraction methods vary with the degree of mechanization. The most rudimentary
method involves passing gold-bearing material over a rockers or sluice boxes lined with
carpets or other fibrous materials. Heavier particles retained in the textiles are subjected
to mercury amalgamation to separate gold from other materials. Excess mercury is
separated from the amalgam by twisting a piece of cloth around the amalgam. Once the
amalgam is obtained, it is burned in open air using a blowtorch.
The dredge or raft method is a more mechanized but fairly simple technique that enables
processing of material from the bottom of a water body. Both dredges and rafts use
hydraulically controlled suction pumps although they differ in that a raft employs a diver
who manually directs the suction of the material to be brought to the concentration
equipment. Typically, a dredge or raft is mounted on two wooden boats or two iron tubes
of about six meters in length with mounted diesel motors (from 40 to 65 hp). The raft is
covered with nylon protection and manoeuvres rivers by 15 hp outboard boat motors. The
larger horse-powered engines power a centrifugal pump mounted onto two hoses with
diameters between 4 and 6 inches. In one of the submerged hoses, a scraper, which is
locally known as abacaxi (pineapple), provides suction of gravel or mineralized
sediment. The pumped slurry is brought to the surface and passed through a screen which
removes the cobbles and coarse gravel and discharges the fine fraction into a sluice box
lined with carpet and riffles to concentrate coarse particles, including gold.
The final concentrate is obtained after washing the carpet. At this point, mercury is added
into the sluice boxes, and the material is collected in an amalgamation drum, where
additional mercury is added. The excess mercury is filtered in the same way that was
described above and the amalgam is burned with a blowtorch in a bowl.
On-land, alluvial and colluvial ore is mined using a chupadeira or par de máquina, the
local names for hydraulic monitors. The mining sequence is as follows: first, the
vegetation is cleared, second, the barranco (the geological material) is fluidized with two
high pressure water hoses (2 to 3 inch diameter); and third, the slurry is sent to the upper
box with a screen where the finer material goes to a riffled sluice box lined with carpet
covered retains gold. Typically, a second hose provides water to adjust the dilution of the
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slurry. Gold is recovered from the carpeted or riffled sluices and processed using the
same procedure as described for the dredges and rafts.
The hammer mill method was initiated in the Tapajós following the discovery of primary
gold in a quartz vein. Using this method, material is excavated and the ore transported to
the hammer mill. The mill then grinds the ore to -1mm which is then transferred to the
sluice box and processed in accordance with the previous methods.
In all aforementioned methods, tailings are discharged into rivers or pits close to mining
activities. Reprocessing of tailings is often undertaken by local unemployed people. More
recently, however, cyanidation of tailings has been reported. In this process, cyanide is
added to a 20 to 30% solids pulp made up of old tailings (or primary ore concentrates) in
a tank. The tank is stirred for a 10 to 12 hour cycle (presumably with the addition of
Ca(OH)2 of CaCl2 to adjust the pH). After this time, the liquid is separated from the
solids and subjected to precipitation using zinc powder or adsorption on activated
charcoal. In a variation of this method, cyanide solution is passed over gold-bearing
material and left out for some days, the overflowing liquid being treated as above.
Talawaan and Galangan, Indonesia
Gold mining in Talawaan, Indonesia is carried out in teams of approximately 10 men in
pits under a constructed shelter. In addition to digging, manual crushing of ore taken from
the pit is also conducted under the shelter. Bags of crudely-crushed ore are sent to
sluicing locations nearby where 8 to 12 generator-powered tumblers crush the ore into
fine sand that is later combined with mercury by the tumbler operators. Water for sluicing
is taken from the adjacent creeks and rivers. After the process of amalgamation, the
amalgam is then burned either at the site where sluicing takes place, in mills, or gold
shops. Some miners use retorts while others burn the amalgam using a blow torch under a
fumehood. Recently, operations in Talawaan have become more sophisticated;
employing mechanical crushers in mills and heavy machinery and other equipment in
tunnel development (e.g. mine cars for ore transport). Some mine or processor owners
have also temporarily employed engineers and other technical personnel.
Mining in Talawaan also involves extraction of primary ore through underground mining.
The artisanal miners begin with narrow vertical shafts (1m x 1m) and tunnels to
maximum depths of 30m. These shafts and tunnels are dug by hand and openings are
supported with wooden bars and wooden boards. The ore is excavated manually using
traditional tools such as shovels, hoes, crow bars, etc. and loaded into containers (e.g.
buckets), which are drawn up to the surface using a pulley. At the surface, they are
packed in sacks and transported to a processing plant using a cart drawn by oxen or
buffalo.
At processing plants, which are located within villages near dryland rice fields, the ore is
sun dried and crushed manually using hammers or other traditional tools. Currently, some
processing plants are using homemade mechanical crushers to replace manual workers.
After the crushing process, approximately 30 40 kg of the crushed ore is fed into ball
mills for grinding. Water and hard rocks are added into the ball mill in order to break
down the ore into fine particles, typically over a 3-4 hour period. After this period, the
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May2004
mill is turned off briefly and 1 kg of mercury is added. The ball mill is rotated again for
half an hour during which time a portion of the fine gold amalgamates with mercury.
Water is then passed through the ball mill in order to pour out the slurry. All of the milled
ore is then dumped into a pond, where the heavy metal alloy settles to the bottom.
Approximately 600 grams per kilogram of mercury is recovered while the remainder is
lost with the fine fraction of clay material that is poured into the drainages and during
amalgam decomposition.
The amalgamated mercury is separated from the slurry through the panning process. The
amalgam is squeezed through a fine woven cloth to separate the excess of mercury from
the amalgam. This amalgam is burned in a clay crucible to vaporize the mercury. In some
cases, borax is added to remove impurities in the final products.
A portion of the miners in Talawaan store their amalgamation tailing in sacks and sell it
to cyanidation plants. In these plants, tailings are placed in agitation tanks with water
until it consists of ~40% solids. The slurry is agitated in order to settle the excess
mercury. According to one plant owner, for 20 tonnes of tailing, about 300 500 grams
of mercury can be recovered using this method. After this separation, tailings are leached
in a tank with 100 200 mg/l NaCN at pH 10 11 adjusted with lime. Aeration of the
slurry is carried out using a simple air compressor. After 3 batches, 100150 kg of
charcoal is added to the leaching tank in order to adsorb gold. The charcoal is separated
by filtering, then the charcoal is burned in open air, leaving gold. Residual mercury also
adsorbs to the charcoal and is released during burning thereby contaminating operators. It
should be noted that the cyanide tailings contain soluble mercury-cyanide complexes
which are discharges into the environment and are susceptible to bacterial methylation of
mercury.
In Galangan, mining is carried out in sandy areas among gravel and rocks where man-
made pits are spread throughout. In each pit, a group of 45 men work in teams where
gold-containing sand and gravel is sprayed with a high-pressure water jet powered by a
diesel pump (i.e. hydraulic monitoring). The slurry is then pumped into a sluice box (~4
m long) which is riffled and/or lined with carpet to maximize retention of gold particles.
The gold-bearing sand is cleaned from the sluice boxes and panned to obtain a cleaner
gold concentrate. Pulp containing 20 kg of concentrate is placed in a pail and ~200g
mercury is added and stirred by hand. After several minutes, pulp is strained using a
cotton cloth to remove excess mercury and produce the gold amalgam. The amalgam is
then sold to gold shops in either in Galangan or Kereng Pangi. Miners typically conduct
smelting activities in their huts, but have also observed burning amalgam in restaurants
and shops.
Lao PDR
Mining in the Lao PDR villages is seasonal with the peak of activities being between
January and April towards the end of the dry season. During this period, the water level is
low; therefore, it is convenient for artisanal gold miners to extract alluvial sediment. It is
estimated that over 3,000 people are involved in artisanal gold mining in the region with
more than 500 living in the project area. In the GMP-target villages, more than half of the
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population is engaged in ASM. Although these miners do not have legal permits all
mining activities in Lao PDR are required by Mining Law to be registered.
In most of the villages surveyed, mining is a family operation located close to villages
with men conducting digging using shovels and chisels while women and children
transport the ore to bowls and sluice boards, pan the ore and perform the gold extraction
processes (which are usually carried out in the home).
The mining process on the Nam Ou River and Mekong River typically involves the
following:
· Site preparation and removal of overburden: Riverbanks are cleared of vegetation
and large debris and the ground is checked for structural instability.
· Digging pits: Men excavate alluvial material mainly using simple tools, such as
shovels, buckets and long chisels.
· Transfer of the ore to sluice boxes: Ore is mixed with water to form slurry to be
processed in sluice boxes which are lined with a thick sack cloth to retain gold and
other dense particles. The sack lining is then removed and washed in a bowl where a
secondary concentration occurs. The final concentrate consists of dark, heavy
particles.
· Panning and sieving of the ore: Women and children pan and sieve the remaining
material on the riverbank using head pans, shallow bowls and sieves made from
fishing nets. In this way the ore is disaggregated further leaving a gold and heavy
mineral concentrate (e.g. magnetite).
· Amalgamation (in villages that use mercury): Mercury is added to the gold/heavy
mineral concentrate.
· Heating and blowing (in villages that do not use mercury): In villages where mercury
is not used, following the panning and sieving process, the gold/heavy mineral
concentrate is heated to dry the concentrate and the heavy minerals are separated with
a gentle blowing. In some villages using the heating and blowing process, a small
portion of mercury is used to amalgamate the residual gold from the heavy mineral
part. In these cases, a very small volume of mercury is used.
· Removing excess mercury: The mercury-gold amalgam is then squeezed through a
fine cloth, and the excess mercury is collected for re-use.
· Heating and mercury evaporation: The amalgam is heated and mercury evaporated
above the stove. To collect the mercury from the amalgam, the miner places a bowl
and bamboo tube in the vertical position around the amalgam. As the amalgam is
burned, evaporated mercury condenses on the walls of the interior of the bamboo
tube. Condensed mercury is subsequently removed with a chicken feather and re-
used. Mercury is reactivated for reuse by adding lime juice to remove impurities.
Amalgam decomposition does not typically occur daily but is stored until a suitable
quantity is accumulated. Depending on the village and gold content of the alluvial
ore, this might be on weekly or monthly basis. Women and children typically carry
out this process in the home.
· Gold sale: Gold is sold directly to buyers who visit the villages once a week during
the mining season. The gold buyers typically come from Luang Prabang and
afterwards they sell the gold to larger dealers or jewellers. Depending on its purity,
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May2004
between US$ 2.8 and US$ 3.3 are paid for one Hun of gold (approximately 0.39
grams). This is US$ 7.18 to US$ 8.46/g or at least US$ 100/oz less than the official
gold price. When gold contains a large quantity of mercury or other impurities, the
gold buyer will conduct further refining prior to resale. The gold buyers also provide
the villagers with mercury.
In the Lao PDR GMP-target villages, there are some variations in the methods described.
For instance, in villages along the Mekong River, mercury is traditionally added at the
panning stage to form an amalgam with alluvial gold particles. Conversely, villages on
the Nam Ou River do not generally use mercury to form an amalgam with the gold, but
rather use gravity separation by heating the sieved and panned material and periodically
blowing away the concentrate surrounding the gold particles. This difference is largely
attributed to the presence of coarse gold in some locations which can effectively be
recovered without amalgamation. Underwater excavations also takes place in some
locations wherein divers transport the ore to large floating rafts where women and
children perform sieving and panning. Underwater excavation employs more specialized
tools such as long-handled poles and chisels and weighted buckets.
Gold Production
The generation of comparable gold production data in GMP-target communities is
complicated by the hesitancy of miners to report their income, combined with variability
in production calculation methods. Some assessments base gold production on average
gold grade and estimated mill throughput, while others collect government data on
declared production (typically a largely underreported amount), and others infer
productivity from the gold production of individual miners coupled with the estimated
number of miners. Thus, it is evident that the information presented in Table Nine on
gold production in GMP-target communities should be applied with some caution.
The difficulty in establishing gold production is exemplified by the situation in Tanzania.
In the Geita district, the past decades have been marked by wide fluctuations in the
numbers of gold miners which, coupled with the migratory nature of miners, has
complicated estimates of participation. In addition, the amount of undeclared gold is
expected to be high, with a major portion of gold being smuggled to countries and
markets offering a better price. In 1991, when the Government was buying gold through
the National Bank, the reported production was around 617 kg. This quantity decreased
substantially to around 2 kg/year between 1993 and 1996 when the bank stopped buying
gold. When a private company, Meremeta, started buying gold in the Geita region, gold
production increased from 2 kg in 1996 to 420 kg in 1998. Recently, the company ceased
its activities and the reported gold production declined again to 153 kg in 2001 and 14.1
kg in 2002. Currently, there are a number of individual gold buyers in the region and they
do not report the exact amount of gold purchased from miners.
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May2004
Table Nine: Gold Production
Purchase Price of
Gold1
Annual Gold
Region or community
US $ per gram
Production (kg)
Brazil
- Crepurizinho
400 500
7.3
- Sao Chico
13 - 14
Indonesia - Talawaan
300
7.5 8.5
- Galangan
250
Ingessana District
6 6.5
Sudan
(amalgamation)
240
9 - 9.5 (alluvial)
Lao PDR Villages (8)
7.18 8.46
4.8
Rwamagasa Village
153 (2001)3
10.40
Tanzania
14 (2002) 3
Kadoma-Chakari Region
8.75
3300 5500
Zimbabwe
1. International Price of Gold ~US$12.89 per gram (based on US$400/oz)
2. Price offered by government
3. Based on production reported to government.
4. Typical purchase price offered by local gold dealers.
5. Based on mercury lost to gold produced ration and reported mercury consumption.
Frequently, miners sell their gold well below the market value. In the case of Zimbabwe
where the government sets the price and purchases gold from miners, the price is still
below that of the international market. In many cases, miners cannot afford to travel to
cities to obtain better prices. This has likely contributed to the widespread smuggling of
gold out of the country.
Proximity of Residences to Mining Areas
The proximity of mining and processing activities to residential areas speaks directly to
the environmental and human health risks experienced by community residents, as well
as the amount of labour and energy expended in transporting materials and/or travelling
to the work site.
Almost all of the mill workers in Kadoma-Chakari region of Zimbabwe live with their
families in the vicinity of the mill sites, with the greatest distance to work being 500m.
Since most of the burning of the amalgam is done at the mill site, such household are
vulnerable to fumes coming from the burning of the amalgam to extract the gold. Also
highly vulnerable are the miners who do the actual burning of the amalgam. Since most
miners travel 2- 15 km to the mill sites, their households are less vulnerable. Exceptions
include the Tix mining community, where some of the milling, concentration and
amalgamation (involving rich ore) is done within the compounds.
The distance from the mine pits to the residences of those interviewed in Rwamagasa
Village ranges from 0.75 km to 3 km, with 33% living with half a kilometer from the
mine pits, 33% within one kilometer, 6% two kilometers and 21% living three kilometers
or more from the mine pits. Although these pits are outside of their residential areas, gold
processing is done on their housing compounds.
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In the case of the Brazilian communities, townsites are typically used as a logistical base
for work sites from which miners obtain supplies and sometimes reside (although they
often stay at informal camps at sites). Crepurizinho, for instance, serves a number of
operations within a 10 km radius.
In Talawaan, the average distance of the miner's homes to the sites is 391 meters with a
maximum of 2 kilometers and the average distance of the collector's homes is 4.6
kilometers with a maximum of 25 kilometers from the mining sites. Of all, most of the
mining community lives at the distance of 100 meters from the mining sites.
Property Ownership
In most GMP-target communities, people own equipment and/or tools, household items,
and in rare cases, their homes. However, very rarely do miners own the land on which
they mine or the rights to mine it. An example is Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, where
miners do have access to gold pits, but they do not own or have mining licenses. Only 9%
actually own gold pits. About 10% own livestock and 52% have access to houses, while
30% own houses that are permanent structures, i.e., houses constructed of concrete blocks
with a corrugated iron roof. Very few respondents own milling equipments or motor
vehicles. The other items which they control, and have access to, are radios, bicycles,
sewing machines, etc. In Ingessana District, Sudan, miners also have access to mine sites,
but do not actually own property or have mining licenses. About 75% own a few cows
and goats, while 99% of the miners own manual, locally made mining equipment i.e.
shovels, digging tools, wooden plates and pans. Land ownership and the right to mine
represents a key issue with respect to mitigating the environmental and social impacts of
ASM and imparting long term benefits to the local community.
Mining Related Concerns and Issues voiced by Miners
Miners and residents of GMP-target communities were asked to express their primary
issues and concerns with respect to ASM. These issues are summarized as follows:
· General lack of equipment and proper tools;
· Lack of pumps to drain flooded pits and workings;
· Lack of access to capital to purchase equipment;
· Lack of fair and reliable gold market. In some cases, the seasonal availability of
gold markets is also problematic. Gold buyers, who often also provide goods and
services (e.g. transportation, mercury, food, tools) and deduct these expenses from
the price of gold, are often considered to be unfair, retaining an inflated
percentage of profits;
· Lack of mining rights/land ownership;
· Inadequate methods to ascertain and validate the quality of gold;
· Theft;
· Invasion of mine sites;
· Lack of water for gold cleaning (in some locations);
· Mining accidents and poor community health exacerbated by inadequate health
services;
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· High processing costs. Many feel much economic benefit is lost to millers and
therefore would like to purchase milling equipment. Access to capital or credit is
main impediment to this; and
· Miners would like to also receive profits received by millers from processing of
tailings through cyanidation. Also, some miners expressed interest in operating
cyanidation plants, funding permitted.
Other issues believed to be problematic include lack of knowledge about geology;
insufficient skills in mine methods and planning; poor management and financial skills;
inadequate legal framework; and lack of support from government. Environmental and
human health impacts of ASM are also recognized by miners as an important issue
(particularly when queried about this); however, this seems to be considered somewhat
secondarily to economic and labour related issues. One of the suggestions put forth by the
Tanzanian Women's Mining Association (TAWOMA) to address these and
environmental and health issues, was the establishment of a "Mining Kit", which would
essentially be a mobile processing unit which could move from one miner to another. The
unit would be housed in a truck and would include equipment for crushing, milling and
gold recovery equipment.
ENVIRONMENTAL AND HUMAN HEALTH RISKS
Many environmental and human health issues associated with ASM can be found in each
of the GMP-target communities. The extent of the impact on the local environment and
community residents, as well as the water bodies that extend beyond local boundaries, is
largely reliant on the mining methods employed and scale of production. As
environmental health is intimately linked with human health, the ramifications of mining
practices are discussed on an issue-by-issue basis. Environmental health and human
health issues identified in the socio-economic assessments of the communities include the
following:
· occupational and environmental exposure to mercury;
· use of cyanide (in some GMP-target communities);
· nitric acid exposure (in Zimbabwe);
· lack of basic sanitation and poor water quality;
· exposure to dust from breaking, crushing and grinding rock;
· deforestation;
· land degradation;
· ground instability (causing landslides and shaft collapses);
· siltation of watercourses due to tailings discharge and/or riverbank erosion;
· widespread disease and illness (tuberculosis, malaria, hepatitis, sexually
transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS, etc.);
· violence, domestic and otherwise;
· alcohol and drug abuse; and
· injuries and accidents.
One of the critical human health issues, as evidenced by the unsafe mining practices
commonly employed in the GMP-target communities, relates to the misuse of mercury.
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May2004
Major issues related to mercury and some of the other environment challenges identified
in the GMP-target communities are described further below.
Mercury
In all GMP-target communities, mercury was identified as a significant health concern.
This particularly relates to occupation exposure to mercury (i.e. through inhalation),
although environmental exposure (i.e. through ingestion of contaminated fish) also gives
cause for concern. The nature and extent of the impacts of mercury on environmental and
human health is a function of the volume of mercury used and subsequently emitted into
the environment and the nature of its use.
The amount of mercury discharged into the environment has not been quantitatively
determined in the GMP-target communities; however, the amount emitted likely
correlates closely to the mercury consumed by gold mining. The price of mercury and its
consumption varies significantly between the GMP-target communities, as shown in
Table Ten. Estimates concerning mercury use and the ratio of mercury lost to gold
produced are difficult to establish as, in many project communities, information was
typically obtained in only one or two sites. The highest reported ratio of mercury lost to
gold produced (60 to 90:1) and correspondingly high mercury consumption observed in
Talawaan, Indonesia can be attributed to the fact that 1kg of mercury is added to the ball
mill for every 30-40 kg of ore. In all locations the price of mercury was several times
higher than the international price of ~US $4/kg. The price of mercury in Lao PDR (US$
75 87.60 per kg) is among the highest in the world and inevitably influences the amount
of mercury used in mining.
Table Ten: Mercury Use
GMP Site
Mercury Price1
Hglost:Auproduced
Hg lost (tonnes/a)
(US$/kg)
Brazil
- São Chico
15 - 30
1.5 - 3
0.03 - 0.04
- Crepurizinho
15 - 30
1 - 1.5
0.3 0.5
Indonesia - Galangan
9 - 12
1 2.5
0.3 0.5
- Talawaan
10 - 15
60 90
20 - 30
Lao PDR - Luang Prabang
75 - 88
0.3 - 0.5
0.001 - 0.002
Sudan
- Blue Nile
25 - 30
1 - 1.5
0.3 - 0.4
Tanzania
- Rwamagasa2
18 - 25
1 - 1.5
0.03 - 0.06
Zimbabwe - Kadoma3
12 - 25(*)
1 - 3
3 - 5
1. International Price of Mercury ~US$4/kg.
2. Based on mercury use at the Blue Reef Mine only.
3. Based on consumption at mills and by panners
As observed in the description of mining methods, mercury amalgamation practices are
with slight exceptions - generally quite similar between the GMP-target communities.
Main differences are attributed to the price of mercury (as observed in low-mercury
consuming Lao PDR), the use of mercury in ball mills and centrifuge barrels (as is the
practice in Talawaan and the Kadoma-Chakari region, respectively) and the application
of retort-like devices.
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In the Kadoma-Chakari region of Zimbabwe, the fate of mercury in amalgamation
tailings that are subsequently subjected to cyanidation was identified as a cause for
concern. Mercury is known to form strong complexes with cyanide, resulting in
mobilization of a portion of mercury in solution (i.e. discharged with effluent) and a
portion being retained in tailings. As mercury-cyanide complexes are highly soluble, this
may contribute to the downstream transport of mercury in aquatic systems. It has further
been suggested that mercury in this form may be more susceptible to transformation to
biologically available forms (i.e. methylmercury), thereby enhancing the potential for its
incorporation into the food chain. Cyanidation of amalgamation tailings was observed not
only in Zimbabwe, but in the GMP-target communities in Brazil and Indonesia.
In cases where cyanidation is not conducted, mercury tailings are often discharged into
local drainages, crude impoundments or sometimes old pits. In aquatic systems, mercury
associated with tailings may be transformed to biologically available forms (i.e.
methylmercury) which biomagnify up trophic levels of the food chain, often resulting in
elevated mercury concentrations in the tissues of carnivorous fish, in particular. In the
case of Gugub in the Sudan, where 300-400 kg of mercury is released annual to the
environment, the village is located at a relatively high elevation (~800m a.s.l.) on a
rugged hillside. As a result, soil erosion during the rainy season (600-800 mm) carries
mercury discharged from huts into local creeks and downstream into the Roseries
reservoir. Built in 1965, the Roseries dam reservoir covers an area of ~410 km2 and is a
major source of fish in the region. Commercial fishing is an established business in El
Damazin and Roseries districts. The annual catch from the reservoir (~30,000 tonnes/a)
supplies the fish markets of the Blue Nile, Gazira, and Khartoum states. Nile perch (Lates
niloticus) and Tilabia (T.nilotica) are the major species consumed. Although it is not the
primary cause of methylmercury in fish, the mercury introduced from mining would
exacerbate the high levels anticipated in fish due to the "impoundment effect". A widely
recognized phenomenon, high mercury levels in fish from reservoirs are linked to the
presence of conditions which facilitate the methylation of background levels of mercury
in vegetation and soils. The mechanisms driving the transformation of mercury to
methylmercury are associated with flooding of reservoirs and subsequent degradation of
organic matter.
Atmospheric deposition of mercury released from burning also represents a hazard for
residents living in proximity to these activities. In Gugub village in Sudan, for instance,
most of the gold shops are located along the village's main road (~300 m long) and
comprise a geographic center, being surrounded by miners' huts. As the temperatures at
which mercury is burned is relatively low (for instance, in comparison to forest fires), the
mercury does not rise substantially and is mainly deposited locally.
Mercury and Human Health
Occupational hazards associated with mercury are mainly related to inhalation of
mercury during amalgam decomposition and refining and, to a lesser extent, handling of
mercury during the amalgamation process. Typically, this is conducted with no protection
(e.g. gloves) and often takes place in the home. In all countries but Brazil, it was
observed that women and children are predominantly engaged in amalgamation in the
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May2004
home. Other than in the Lao PDR communities, where a crude bamboo mercury
condenser was used by some miners, mercury is most often burnt in open air.
In Rwamagasa Village in Tanzania, miners who have been engaged in amalgamation or
smelting for many years have exhibited symptoms of severe mercury intoxication
including ataxia, tremor and movement disorders (e.g. difficulty walking). Although in-
depth studies of mercury toxicity have not yet been conducted, preliminary assessments
of mining practices and the amounts used suggest that mercury toxicity from inhalation
of vapours may be widespread in the GMP-target communities. For instance, women
engaged in amalgam decomposition in the Ingessana Hills district have reported
respiratory problems, irritability and depression, and eye problems (itching, redness),
which may be indicative of mercury toxicity.
In many cases, children handle mercury with their bare hands during amalgamation and
observe the amalgam decomposition process, often indoors. Typically, children are
engaged in mining from the age of about 10 years, but often accompany their parents to
work prior to this. Mercury can cause severe neurological damage to the developing
brain, resulting in effects ranging from learning disabilities to varying degrees of mental
retardation.
Awareness of Mercury Risks
Awareness of the environmental and human health risks associated with mercury use
varied widely between and within the GMP-target communities. The level of awareness
was lowest in Lao PDR, where only 2% of households surveyed indicated any awareness
of the risks associated with mercury. Awareness was greatest in Brazil, Tanzania and
Zimbabwe (75%, 60% and 61% of respondents, respectively), while the percentage of
respondents with some mercury awareness in Sudan was 25% and Indonesia ranged from
55% (Talawaan) to 15% (Galangan). Respondents who indicated some level of awareness
could not accurately name symptoms or effects of exposure.
In Zimbabwe, more than half the miners (61%) surveyed in the Kadoma-Chakari Region
had some prior knowledge of the harmful effects of using mercury, yet few (15%) used
any sort of protection against it, often handled it with bare hands.
Similar circumstances were observed in Tanzania, where at least 60% of the respondents
in Rwamagasa Village are aware of the environmental hazards caused by the use of
mercury. As many as 25% of them described some of the effects of mercury exposure,
such as general body weakness and strokes. Sources of information on mercury include
the Resident Mining Officer (50%), UNIDO 6%, Mass Media 15%, other people 16%,
books and seminar 9%, VETA (10%) and their friends (6%). A substantial number of
women have little or no awareness about mercury, the apparent reason being that most
individuals or groups who bring outside information predominantly talk with the leaders
and the male miners. Quite often, recipients of information do not share new found
knowledge with other villagers.
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Table Eleven: Potential Mercury Exposure Pathways
Kadoma-
Sao Chico
Talawaan
Chakari
Rwamagasa
Ingessana
and
and
ASM
Mercury Exposure
Region
Village
District
Crepurzinh
Galangan
Villages
Pathway
(ZIM)
(TANZ)
(SUD)
(BR)
(IND)
(LAO PDR)
Occupational Exposure
Inhalation through
amalgam burning
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
- miners
Inhalation through
amalgam burning
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
- processors
Inhalation through
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
handling or spills
Community Exposure
Potential for Hg to
accumulate in aquatic food na
na
N
Y
Y
Y
chains1
Ingestion of fish (important N
Y
N
N
Y
Y
protein source)
Potential for Hg to
accumulate in terrestrial
na
Y
Y
na
na
na
food chains2
Children play with
na
Y
Y
na
na
na
mercury
Inhalation In-home
Y
na
Y
na
Y
Y
amalgamation
Inhalation - Homes in
close proximity to
Y
N
Y
Y
Y
Y/N
amalgamation sites
Y = YES (PATHWAY OBSERVED OR PROBABLE); N= NO (PATHWAY NOT OBSERVED); na = INFO NOT AVAILABLE
1.
Mercury believed or observed to be discharged into water courses during mining
2.
Although some communities have expressed concern about contamination of crops by mercury, uptake of inorganic mercury (the
form discharged by miners), is expected to be low. A more detailed risk assessment should be conducted to ascertain risks from
consumption of terrestrial and aquatic food sources.
With respect to new methods of reducing mercury exposure, most respondents are willing
to adopt a new technology (94%) and receive training through demonstration (78%).
There was concern, however, that gold dealers (Makota) who provide mercury would
resist efforts to reduce mercury consumption. Thus, it was suggested that education
should also focus on those who supply the mercury.
The level of awareness is even lower in the Ingessana District of Sudan. Almost 75% of
people interviewed say that mercury poses no risk, while 17% indicate they have heard
mercury causes some problems, but they cannot identify what these health problems are.
It was widely stated that there are no problems in obtaining mercury any time it is needed
and in some cases it is given for free (contingent on gold being sold to them in exchange).
Little or no information about mercury has been made available to the people of
Ingessana District. When researchers informed the Ingessana that mercury can pose some
hazards, miners were sceptical, stating that they have been mining for a long time and
have not seen symptoms of toxicity. As most of the Ingessana are illiterate, observation
and word of mouth are key means of communicating information.
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When queried about the risks associated with mercury in Brazil, approximately 75% of
respondents believed information concerning mercury risks is prejudicial. Despite this,
miners could not correctly identify risks, their knowledge being limited to the
identification of the smoke from gold burning as dangerous. Interestingly, approximately
80% of miners in São Chico had undertaken amalgam decomposition through burning.
Approximately 13% identified mercury pollution as one of the environmental impacts of
mining and a just over half of the workers (52%) think that mining is harmful to the
environment. Most miners received information about mercury from TV or radio (65%)
or friends (22%).
In Talawaan, Indonesia, awareness of the health effect of mercury among the miners
varies. Nearly half of them (45%) admit that they do not know how mercury could harm
their health. The rest have only scant knowledge that mercury may afflict the respiratory
system, skin, eyes, or cause other symptoms. Approximately half of the miners (42 %)
state they do not know that mercury has any effect on the environment, while the other
half of respondents indicated that mercury may damage plants, water, soil, and fish. In
Galangan, miners claim that they do not face any problems from mercury exposure.
Awareness of the danger of mercury seems very low among the miners, with 87 %
unaware of dangers of mercury on health and 83 % unaware of the effect of mercury on
environment. The remaining miners have some awareness that mercury may cause ill-
effects to people and may damage plants and pollute water. Sources of information about
mercury, however limited in terms of effectiveness, comes from brochures, friends,
personal experience, TV, nurses, and the village authority
In the Lao PDR villages surveyed, household awareness of the potential health
implications of exposure to mercury is invariably low, with only 4 households (13%) in
Ban Thinhông, and 1 household (4%) in Ban Houay Koh indicating a general perception
of risk. All lacked any data or specific information on what hazards mercury may pose or
how these hazards could be avoided. The lack of hazard awareness has important
implications for future capacity building and educational campaigns.
Other Environmental and Health Issues
Forest Clearing
One of the most visible impacts of mining relates to the land clearing that generally
precedes mining activities. For instance, in Galangan, Indonesia, the rainforest has
essentially been reduced to a desert landscape. This results in a loss of vegetation and, as
a consequence, increased erosion and siltation. Camourze et al (2001) highlighted the
importance of erosion in carrying natural mercury bound to old-intensively weathered
soils to Amazonian aquatic systems. The authors stressed that this is a more important
source of mercury for the entire Amazonian environment than any other source, including
ASM activities; however, this is expected to be of greater concern with increasing
proximity to mine sites, where erosion of mercury rich soils and tailings exacerbates this
situation.
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In some cases, deforestation also provides timber for the construction of shelters,
underground supports, to fashion pans, as firewood and for other domestic uses, as was
observed in Zimbabwe and Tanzania. In Rwamagasa Village, the miners obtain timber to
stabilize pits from the nearby forest reserve. Prior to mining, the forest covered the entire
region. At the current rate of forest extraction, it is anticipated that the forest will be
entirely depleted within the next five years.
Deforestation can significantly impact the health of families, due to the importance of the
forest in terms of fuelwood and as sources of food and medicine. As well, deforestation
by burning sites for clearing can release mercury retained in vegetation into the
atmosphere.
Mining Pits
The environmental degradation associated with the excavation of large volumes of
material can affect groundwater (when the water table is encountered), as well as adjacent
drainages. Waste material is often heaped in close proximity to pits. This creates a source
of silt which can be eroded by rainfall, clogging nearby rivers as noted in Brazil and
Tanzania. In Gugub Village, Sudan, an estimated 400,000 to 500,000 tonnes of waste
and tailings are piled near pits. Siltation is exacerbated with increasing proximity to
rivers, as was observed in the Lao PDR villages where alluvial mining of riverbeds takes
place. In other circumstances, when tailings are backfilled into depleted pits,
contamination of groundwater may occur.
In a number of the GMP-target communities, pits have been described as veritable "death
traps." In Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, non-paying abandoned pits reach depths
between 2 and 20 metres. In Galangan, Indonesia, depths typically range from 5 to 50
metres. Animals and people walking in the area, particularly at night, have been known to
fall into pits and drown during wet season when pits are covered by thick grasses. A
similar hazard was documented in Ingessana Hills, Sudan.
Water Quality and Quantity
Impacts of mining on water quality and quantity primarily include siltation of rivers,
contamination of ground or surface water and diversion of rivers.
In Zimbabwe, alluvial gold panning activities along the Muzvezve River involves digging
up of the river channel and its banks, paleo-channels and their floodplains, as well as
surface trenching using picks and shovels, all of which mobilizes extensive volumes of
silt. Hydraulic monitoring in São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil, as well as in Galangan,
Talawaan, have been major sources of silt to adjacent river systems. The effects of
siltation from garimpos in Brazil can be observed as far as 300-500 km downstream in
the Tapajós River. In some cases, siltation of the river may create dams resulting in
flooding and diversion of rivers. Siltation can reduce the transmission and storage
capacities of rivers and dams and is believed to play a major role in the frequency and
magnitude of flooding affecting Mozambique, Zimbabwe and South Africa. Further, silt
reduces light penetration and clogs the gills of fish, making water inhospitable for a host
of aquatic organisms. Siltation may also render the water undrinkable for grazing animals
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and humans. In both cases, siltation may reduce access to an often much-needed source
of food and water.
Some miners intentionally divert rivers for use in mining. For example, in the dry season,
panners in Kadoma-Chakari region may divert the river to areas where they are actively
working in order to process alluvial material in sluice boxes. As well, it is not uncommon
for miners to construct water impoundments by diverting rivers in mine sites for use in
hydraulic monitoring or processing, both of which require substantial volumes of water.
The dependence on the use of large amounts of water in mining operations dictates that
they be located as close to water sources as possible, and in some cases immediately
adjacent to the water sources. As a consequence, water bodies may be subject to
contamination, not only from mercury used in processing, but also from domestic wastes,
such as sewage, detergents and other chemicals. Often these same water bodies are also
used for domestic purposes, including consumption, which represents a major human
health concern.
Dust and Noise
Being in proximity to mining and milling operations typically equates to exposure to dust
and noise. The situation in Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania exemplifies this situation
where, in the mills in particular, the noise level is extremely high as no water is used in
the ball mills repeated or chronic exposure to these conditions could cause hearing
impairment. In Tanzania it was also observed that operators and people around the mill
are exposed to a significant amount of dust, largely due to the use of dry grinding. In
Rwamagasa Village, milling centres are located within the residential areas and, when in
operation, can be heard throughout the community.
In addition to dust generated in mechanized mills (as observed in Talawaan, Rwamagasa,
Kadoma-Chakari and the Brazilian communities), manual rock crushing can also create
dust and may be a health hazard in confined environments, such as in underground mine
shafts or in people's homes. Inhalation of fine, crystalline silica dust, which is generated
from breaking and crushing rock, can result in silicosis. Silicosis is an incurable lung
disease that kills thousands annually (WHO, 2000). Conditions resulting from silicosis
include emphysema, lung fibrosis and silica-tuberculosis.
Other Health Issues
The rapid sprouting of overnight settlements at newly discovered gold deposits leads to
rapid `urbanisation' in the form of ad hoc settlements that not only result in deforestation
and other land disturbances, but also social ills associated with unplanned settlements.
These vices include alcohol and drug abuse, prostitution, land-use conflicts with local
communities, water pollution, and disease outbreaks.
Frequently, infrastructure is lacking, as is characterized by inadequate drinking water and
sanitation systems, poor housing and limited access to health services. Observed health
issues include infectious diseases, such as diarrhoea, typhoid and parasitism, and poverty-
related ailments, such as malnutrition. In Rwamagasa Village, malaria, tuberculosis, and
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sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS are the dominant causes of morbidity
and mortality. Other issues include accidents associated with equipment or unstable pits
or underground workings. In the Indonesian communities, shaft or pit collapses occur
between 2 and 5 times per year.
In the Ingessana Hills district of Sudan, reported complaints range from urinary tract
complications, chest and respiratory problems, eye problems, fatigue, stomach problems,
and recurrent malaria. In Talawaan and Galangan, residents reported frequent diarrhoea
and malaria, as well as asthma, pneumonia, skin diseases, upper respiratory infectious are
other important diseases in the both areas. In the Brazilian communities, dengue fever
was also documents.
GENDER ISSUES
Women occupy a number of roles in GMP-target communities, ranging from positions as
miners, often being responsible for gold processing, to other functions in the household
and community. In communities where women undertake ore grinding and subsequent
gold recovery through amalgamation, this is often conducted in the presence of children
in the home and in the absence of any protective measures. Women are, therefore, often
at equal or greater risk from occupational exposure to mercury. Socio-economic surveys
conducted in GMP-target communities indicate that women tend to be much less aware
of the hazards of mercury than their male counterparts and have not been empowered to
make informed decisions about their practices and the impacts on the health of
themselves and their families. In addition to educational campaigns targeting women
involved in amalgamation, as spouses of miners, women can also play a key role in
advocating better amalgamation practices to their partners. Further, as women are
predominantly responsible for provision of food, and children and pregnant women are
vulnerable to methylmercury, the form predominantly found in fish, strategies to reduce
mercury exposure through consumption should also target women.
Roles of Women in Mining
Identification of gender issues was a requisite component of the socio-economic
assessments conducted in the GMP-target communities. The extent of women's
participation in mining these communities varies considerably, with the greatest
participation in areas where the whole family is engaged in mining. Women make up
only 11% of all the miners interviewed in the Kadoma-Chakari region of Zimbabwe,
while in Brazil women comprise 37% of the labour force. In family operations, as
observed Tanzania, Sudan, Lao PDR and Galangan, Indonesia, women presumably make
up to 50% of the work force (approximating the ratio of women to men in the
communities), although much of their time is divided with other household
responsibilities. In all GMP-target communities, regardless of the extent of women's
participation in mining, there is a clear gender-based division of labour.
Women working as miners in the Kadoma-Chakari region of Zimbabwe usually are
limited to near surface digging (not exceeding 10m), while that done by men could go to
depths beyond 30 metres. None of the mill workers were female, which the millers
attributed to the manual nature of the work. In some mining households, women were
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fully involved in mining processes including digging (100%), carrying the load (100%),
mercury amalgamation (70%) and burning of the amalgam (70%).
In Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, many of the ASM enterprises are family affairs,
usually consisting of a husband and wife, children, and relatives. In these cases, it was
observed that women often have a markedly increased workload, as mining is conducted
in addition to their regular household duties. A women's organization that is active in the
region, the Mwanza Women Miners Associations (MWAWOMA), reported that women
working as entrepreneurs face specific challenges, including sexual harassment and
abusive language.
The Ingessana in Sudan, like many people in Rwamagasa, work in family-based
operations, with men responsible for breaking rock and women responsible for grinding,
concentration and amalgamation. Women are also predominantly responsible for hauling
water, an activity which is both time consuming and laborious. Often, water sources are
located more than a 30 minute to one hour walk from the mine site, a situation which is
exacerbated through the summer drought. Due to the scarcity of water, women sometimes
sell water to other mines in addition to that used by the family. Water is carried using
plastic cans tied to strong rope and balanced across women's shoulders.
In the Brazilian GMP communities, where ~50% of the population is comprised of
women, men dominate the labour market, occupying 73% of the workforce. Furthermore,
women are generally not engaged in mining, with most employment being in service
provision roles, acting as cooks, vendors, and sex-trade workers. Furthermore, there is
considerable disparity in income. The average male income is around R$538 (US$179),
while women earn almost 36% less, averaging R$397 (US$123) per month.
In Galangan, Indonesia, men are predominantly engaged in mining, although women are
sometimes responsible for hauling water. The community survey indicated that "fathers
take the responsibility of fetching the water" with hauling of water being conducted by
fathers 47% of the time. Mothers fetch water 18% of the time, with the remaining
transport being undertaken by girls, boys and servants. All miners in the camp-style
mining area of Talawaan are male.
In Lao PDR, women and men work in clearly defined roles, with men having the
responsibility of alluvium excavation and women (often assisted by one or more children
from the family) performing the panning, sieving and gold recovery processes. Men are
probably less exposed to mercury directly through mining activities, whereas women and
children mining in villages using mercury would potentially be exposed on a daily basis.
The tasks of both men and women are essential for the successful recovery of gold and
thus both are seen equally to contribute to the gold-derived household income.
Other Roles of Women
In all GMP-target communities, women occupy a wide range of non-mining roles, often
related to provision of goods and services (e.g. cooks, shopkeepers) and their typically
extensive domestic responsibilities. In the GMP-target communities, women often work
as vendors (selling vegetables, sugar, meat, cooking oil and other food stuffs, as well
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cigarettes at some mining sites) and providing services (tailoring, cooking, cleaning) for
the community and generating much needed income. For example, in Lao PDR, the
commercial weaving and textile industry in Ban Thinhông, almost solely employs women
and children.
Another role women frequently occupy in ASM communities relates to their position as
sex-trade workers. Widespread prostitution coupled with the transient nature of mining
activities and lack of education results in high rates of sexually transmitted diseases in
this group. In many locales, women function in multiple capacities. For instance, a
women working as a panner may also obtain income as a sex trade worker and a cook.
Women also perform the bulk of household work, their domestic responsibilities
including childcare, food production, processing, preparation and storage as well as the
provision of fuel and water, sanitation, cleaning the house and laundry. Women are often
also predominantly responsible for hauling water. In Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania,
women haul water 50% of the time, considerably more than men or children. As well,
women typically undertake a considerable portion (in some cases the majority) of
agricultural duties.
Access to Education and Information
In all GMP-target communities, women have less access to education and information
than their male counterparts. In many countries, girls are systematically discriminated
against in terms of education, mainly due to family expectations concerning domestic
responsibilities, in addition to social and cultural barriers. Some families may be more
likely to send boys to school than girls, as has been observed in many other African and
South East Asian countries (UNESCO, 2000). In some cases, girls are removed from
school at the onset of puberty, due to mistrust of male teachers and students and fears of
unwanted pregnancies. When girls do enter the school system, they tend to be responsible
for considerably more extracurricular chores than boys, thereby resulting in a longer
hours worked daily, less attention paid to homework and increased likelihood to drop out.
Disparate education levels often have an immense impact on the status of women in
communities. Almost all Ingessana people interviewed stated that the education of
women was not important. Not surprisingly, 99% of women interviewed in Ingessana
District are illiterate. In Lao PDR, 26% of women and 13% of men are illiterate.
Conversely, women in Galangan, Indonesia, have higher education levels than their
spouses. Among the miners, about 65% and 73% of men and women, respectively,
obtained primary school education and 28% and 25% attending secondary school.
Differences in access to information can have a significant effect on the risks faced by
women and their families and their decisions to employ certain practices. In focus groups
conducted in Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania, it became evident that women are less aware
of the risks of mercury than their male counterparts. This was attributed to the fact that
seminars and information campaigns targeted men in the community.
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Women and Decision Making
Decisions about everything from mining practices to household expenditures
significantly influence the health and wellbeing of the community. Many studies indicate
that the revenue generated by women in artisanal mining contributes more directly to the
well-being of households then that of men (Hinton et al, 2003). Specifically, the income
generated by women is more likely to be directed towards improving the quality-of-life in
the family i.e. through education, food, agriculture, etc. whereas men tend to spend
revenue on gambling, prostitution and alcohol (Hentschel et al., 2001). In addition, when
women receive and manage earnings, their economic dependence on men may decline,
thereby testing existing gender roles.
Almost without exception, sociological assessments in GMP-target communities indicate
that men predominantly control the family income from mining and other activities and
make most household decisions. Among the people interviewed at Rwamagasa Village,
60% of males and 40% of females head the household. In the cases where women are
heads, they are either single or widowed. The majority of study participants (86%) in
Ingessana District, Sudan, indicate that decisions are mainly made by men, while a
minority (15%) contend that decisions are made by consensus. In focus groups held with
women, a substantial number of participants reported that their husbands have the last say
on how the money from gold mining is to be used. It was stated in these groups, which
were attended by both Ingessana and Dawalla women, that it is the responsibility of the
husband to take care of the whole family. Similarly in Talawaan, decisions concerning
expenditures are made by men ~95% of the time, while in Galangan, decisions are made
by women 18% of the time, and jointly 30% of the time. Of the surveyed population in
Lao PDR, females were the head of the household in an average of 11% of households.
Recommendations: Addressing Gender Issues
Due to their importance in terms of mineral production and provision of vital community
services, in conjunction with their susceptibility to poverty, enhancing the role of women
in ASM may be an effective means to facilitate positive change in the GMP-target
communities. General recommendations include the following:
· Increased commitment to gender mainstreaming in government agencies, and
appropriate recognition of women in policy frameworks, particularly in relation to
land ownership rights.
· Adoption of strategies inclusive of, and accessible to, both women and men, and
which support women's participation in political decision-making.
· Elimination of discrimination from educational systems, and provision of support for
families sending children to school.
· Formal incorporation of gender issues and the adoption of holistic approaches to
artisanal mining communities through technical assistance and community
development programmes.
· Promotion of micro-credit and other programmes that provide financing for women.
· Implementation of programs to train women in various aspects of mining, as well as
in marketing, management and bookkeeping.
· In-depth research on women's involvement in artisanal mining communities and the
differential impact of current practices and technical change on the lives of both
women and men.
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With respect to the GMP, specific measures to mitigate the impacts of mercury misuse
and respond to the barriers that prevent women from fully benefiting from this sector
include the following:
· Women should have equal access to training and information programs;
· Educational campaigns should target women in order to mitigate specific health risks,
for instance related to environmental mercury exposure;
· Training seminars and disseminated information should seek to sensitize recipients
both women and men as to the importance of gender equity. Key issues should
include the importance of education for boys and girls and highlight equity in pay for
work and equity in decision making;
· Training and information programs should be field tested with women as well as men
prior to full scale execution in order to ensure their appropriateness for a wider
audience. This may involve the co-development of information materials to ensure
they are audience appropriate.
· Indicators used to track intervention progress should include sex-disaggregated data
and identify issues specific to women as well as men.
CONCLUSIONS
Communities and mining areas were selected within the six project countries based on
the importance of ASM in the regions and the proximity of the project sites to
international waters that may be impacted by ASM, particularly with respect to pollution
from the misuse of mercury. Although the communities differ somewhat in terms of
population, areal extent, cultural context, and mining history, they share a critical
similarity ASM represents an essential source of livelihood. The communities and
regions targeted through the Global Mercury Project are the following:
· Kadoma-Chakari mining area of Zimbabwe
· Rwamagasa village, Tanzania
· Ingessana District in Sudan
· São Chico and Crepurizinho, Brazil
· Talawaan and Galangan, Indonesia
· Eight villages in Lao PDR
Socio-economic profiles of the GMP-target communities revealed that the population of
the regions and communities assessed range widely (from 420 to 26,990 people) and the
majority of mining community inhabitants are in the economically active age range (21-
40 years). All GMP-target communities are of mixed ethnicity, often with multiple
languages. In total, representatives from more than twenty ethnic groups reside in these
communities. Education levels and literacy rates in the GMP-target communities indicate
that levels are typically considerably lower than national levels. In most GMP-target
communities, agriculture (crop farming and to a lesser extent livestock production) is the
predominant livelihood activity, although mining can provide the most significant source
of economic wealth. Mining communities surveyed generally experienced incomes above
national levels, ranging from US$180 per annum to US$2400 per annum. Highest
revenues are obtained in Brazil, where mining is the predominant activity in GMP-target
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communities, although incomes are still considerably lower than national levels, likely
due to severe regional disparities.
Local government and related services and infrastructure are commonly underdeveloped
or altogether absent in ASM communities, leaving miners and their families to rely on
their own resources for basic amenities. Evaluations of social infrastructure and basic
amenities - including quality of housing, sanitation, health care, and education - in the
GMP-target communities indicate the following:
· Houses are frequently crudely constructed using local materials, such as thatch
and wood. More durable construction materials are much less frequently used
(e.g. concrete floors, aluminium sheet roofing).
· Most homes and mine sites in the GMP-target communities lack basic sanitation
services. Self-dug outdoor pit latrines are the most common type of toilet, causing
concern for hydrologically linked water supplies.
· Water is obtained from a variety of sources, such as drilled deep wells
(boreholes), shallow dug wells, springs, creeks or rivers, rainwater and
occasionally flooded pits or mine shafts. Typically, water quality is perceived to
be good, despite the likelihood of contamination from sewages in some cases.
· Water sources are sometimes located great distances away and water must be
carried, as is the case for some residents of the Kadoma-Chakari Region in
Zimbabwe, who must travel up to 5 kilometres to fetch water. Many women in
Ingessana District of Sudan walk an hour or more to obtain water.
· The most serious water-quality related health risks may be in Galangan,
Indonesia, where 58% of miners use abandoned mine pits for both disposal of
sewage and collection of drinking water.
· Access to basic health services is typically lacking. People are hampered from
obtaining treatment by the distances to clinics and costs associated with
transportation or treatment. In some cases, residents must walk one half day or
more to obtain medical treatment. In the best of circumstances, communities have
a local pharmacy or health nurse.
· Lack of health services for childbirth is a major health issue facing women.
· Although primary schools are located within walking distance of most GMP-
target communities, access to education is inadequate due to a shortage of
teachers, lack of secondary schools, and distance to schools.
· In GMP-target communities, secondary education is only accessible at
considerable distances from home. Costs related to secondary school attendance
(transportation, accommodation and schooling fees) and the loss of labour
preclude participation for most children.
· High rates of absenteeism and early dropout, as documented in most GMP-target
communities, are attributed to the need for children as an informal source of
labour. As children get older, the expectation to undertake mining or various types
of informal labour (e.g. tending cattle, farming) increases significantly.
· Carbohydrates typically represent the bulk of the household diet. Protein sources,
such as meat and fish, are less frequently consumed as they must be purchased,
they are prized for their value or are scarcely available. The exceptions are
communities where fish are locally available, such as Lao PDR.
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· When protein is not available on site, frequency of protein consumption can be
correlated with income.
· Due to the lack of protein in most diets, combined with the lack of fruits and
vegetables in some communities, malnutrition is likely prevalent in some GMP-
target communities.
Mining practices in GMP-target communities range from low-tech methods, as in the
Sudan, to somewhat mechanized operations, as observed in some Brazilian mine sites.
With respect to the misuse of mercury, the key issues include the following:
· Mercury added to ball mills or centrifugal concentrators, as observed in Talawaan
and Kadoma-Chakari region, respectively, represents a significant source of
mercury consumption and emissions. In Talawaan, for instance, mercury
consumption is in the order of 20 to 30 tonnes per year.
· Mercury amalgamation practices are with slight exceptions - generally quite
similar between the GMP-target communities. Main differences are attributed to
the price of mercury (as observed in low-mercury consuming Lao PDR where
mercury cost ~US$80 per kg), the use of mercury in ball mills and centrifuge
barrels (as is the practice in Talawaan and the Kadoma-Chakari region,
respectively) and the application of retort-like devices.
· The fate of mercury in amalgamation tailings subjected to cyanidation is a major
cause for concern. As mercury-cyanide complexes are highly soluble, they may
be easily transported to aquatic systems, where mercury may subsequently be
transformed into forms which can be incorporated into the food chain (e.g.
methylmercury).
· The variations between methods used in the GMP-target communities may signify
an opportunity for technology transfer. For example, the use of a simple bamboo
condenser to recover mercury followed by lime to reactivate it was employed by
some miners in Lao PDR (It should be noted that the efficacy of this technique
has not been demonstrated).
· The cost of mercury substantially exceeded the international price of ~US$ 4/kg
in all GMP project sites, ranging from US$18 in Rwamagasa Village, Tanzania to
US$ 88 in one of the Laotian villages. Based on the practices employed in various
GMP project sites, the price of mercury seems to be an important influence on the
amount of mercury consumed.
One of the main environmental and human health issues in the GMP-target communities
not surprisingly relates to mercury pollution. Inhalation of mercury during handling, as a
result of spills and during amalgamation and amalgam decomposition (which is often
undertaken by women and children) represents a major concern. Typically, this is
conducted with no protection (e.g. gloves) and often takes place in the home. Of
particular note, in Ingessana District, Sudan, where women are predominantly
responsible for mercury amalgamation, the most common health afflictions cited by
survey respondents are malaria, chest pain, dyspnoea and coughing, as well as fatigue,
irritability and depression especially among women. It was observed that many of the
miners suffer from eye problems (red eyes, tearing, itching etc.). It should be noted that
the respiratory and neuropsychological symptoms reported are also symptoms which can
be indicative of mercury toxicity.
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More than 50,000 people reside in the mining areas targeted by the GMP and so may be
susceptible to the environmental exposures to mercury. This may result from the
mobilization of mercury from mine sites into aquatic systems, for instance from the direct
discharge or erosion of tailings, and its subsequent transformation into biologically
available forms (i.e. methylmercury). Once in the aquatic food chain, mercury may
represent a particularly significant risk to communities reliant on fish as a primary food
source. Atmospheric deposition of mercury released from burning is also a hazard for
residents living in proximity to these activities.
Awareness of the environmental and human health risks associated with mercury use
varied widely between and within the GMP-target communities. The level of awareness
was lowest in Lao PDR, where only 2% of households surveyed indicated any awareness
of the risks associated with mercury. Awareness was highest in Brazil, Tanzania and
Zimbabwe. Even respondents who indicated some level of awareness could not
accurately name symptoms or effects of exposure.
Ascertaining the sources of information and means of communication in GMP-target
communities is critical to designing an effective intervention. In the majority of GMP-
target communities, radio is a key means of obtaining information and should be
considered for information dissemination campaigns. Television, word of mouth and
newspapers are other important information sources. In regions with high illiteracy rates,
such as the case for the Ingessana in Sudan (90% illiteracy), alternative approaches to
information campaigns are needed. Demonstrations and encouraging local representatives
to advocate practices are possible modes of information dissemination. Mercury dealers
(who are also often gold buyers) may resist efforts to reduce mercury consumption and
should therefore also be targeted by information campaigns.
In many GMP-target communities, women are predominantly engaged in gold processing
including amalgamation and amalgam decomposition and so may experience equal or
greater risks than their male counterparts. Furthermore, children, pregnant women and
women of childbearing age should be especially conscientious of the risks from
methylmercury exposure, the form predominantly found in fish. Thus, a number of
gender specific recommendations for the GMP have been proposed. These include the
following:
· Women should have equal access to training and information programs;
· Educational campaigns should target women in order to mitigate specific health risks,
for instance related to occupational and environmental mercury exposure;
· Training seminars and disseminated information should seek to sensitize recipients
both women and men as to the importance of gender equity. Key issues should
include the importance of education for boys and girls and highlight equity in pay for
work and equity in decision making;
· Training and information programs should be field tested with women as well as men
prior to full scale execution to ensure their efficacy to both audiences. This may
involve the co-development of information materials to ensure they are audience
appropriate.
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· Indicators used to track intervention progress should include sex-disaggregated data
and identify issues specific to women as well as men.
It is clear that the more than 50,000 residents of the mining areas targeted by the GMP
are at risk from the misuse of mercury in gold mining, in addition to the host of other
social and environmental impacts associated with ASM. It is also apparent that these
communities direly lack the capacity and means to address these issues. Thus,
interventions and other measures to support the transformation of ASM into an activity
which can impart notable benefits to impacted communities are critically needed.
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Summary Report
Technical and Socio-economic Profiles of GMP Project Sites
May2004
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